The Case Against Joe Biden for Complicity in Genocide

The ICC has applied for an arrest warrant for Benjamin Netanyahu. But Israel’s 
assault on Gaza has been made possible by US support.

Past the 20-foot-high aluminum doors of the Justice Department’s Robert F. 
Kennedy Building, and down a long limestone hallway lined with art deco 
accents, Room B-206 has long served as the epicenter of the Biden 
administration’s prosecutorial war against former president Donald Trump. 
Behind the heavy wooden door is the office of special counsel Jack Smith, a 
highly secure redoubt where attorneys spent years building criminal cases 
against Trump for allegedly attempting to overturn the outcome of the 2020 
election, as well as for his alleged improper handling of classified documents 
after leaving the White House.

But now, instead of heading to trial, the prosecutors are scrambling to empty 
file cabinets and stuff their contents into cardboard storage boxes. As a 
result of Trump’s election win, the prosecution is officially halted by the 
Justice Department’s policy prohibiting the filing of criminal cases against a 
sitting president. But while President-elect Trump will likely never face the 
consequences of his alleged criminal actions, President Biden may one day face 
trial for his, albeit in a far different courtroom in The Hague.

Three thousand eight hundred miles to the east from Washington sits the 
International Criminal Court (ICC), a complex of six modern towers in the 
Netherlands not far from Peace Palace and Europol in The Hague. In the largest 
building, Court Tower, are three courtrooms that carry out the institution’s 
mandate: to prosecute perpetrators of genocide, crimes against humanity, and 
war crimes, thereby providing justice to victims.

According to Article 1 of the Genocide Convention, the Contracting Parties, 
including the United States and Israel, must prevent and punish acts of 
genocide. Under Article III, those punishable acts include “Complicity in 
genocide,” such as by knowingly providing the deadly weapons used to carry it 
out. In 2007, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), in a case involving 
Bosnia and Serbia, established that the obligation to refrain from providing 
weapons or other assistance begins the moment a state becomes aware of the 
existence of a serious risk that genocide may be committed.

For the Biden administration, that moment came in January, when the ICJ found 
that there was a “plausible” risk of genocide being committed in Gaza against 
the Palestinian people by Israel. Shortly after, in February, the Dutch Appeals 
Court halted the transfer of F-35 munition parts to Israel on account of the 
serious risk of International Humanitarian Law violations.

Further notice came in May with the applications for arrest warrants for 
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and others by the chief prosecutor of 
the ICC, Karim Khan. Among the charges against Netanyahu related to Gaza were 
crimes against humanity, including extermination, murder, starvation of 
civilians as a method of warfare, intentional attacks against a civilian 
population, and “other inhumane acts.” It was the first potential ICC arrest 
warrant issued for the leader of a Western-style democracy. Nevertheless, 
European countries including France and Germany issued statements affirming 
their support for the legitimacy of the ICC.

Despite the clear indication that American weapons were being used to carry out 
an alleged Israeli genocide, the bombs continued to flow and the wholesale 
massacres never stopped. According to a report last week by the UN Human Rights 
Office, close to 70 percent of the fatalities in Gaza have been children and 
women, “indicating a systematic violation of the fundamental principles of 
international humanitarian law,” said the report. Nizam Mamode, a retired 
surgeon with Britain’s National Health Service who recently returned from 
working at a hospital in Gaza, testified last week to members of Parliament 
that he treated children “day after day after day” who had been deliberately 
targeted by Israeli drones following bomb attacks.

In July, an analysis published by the medical journal The Lancet estimated that 
the actual number of Palestinian deaths in Gaza, including those decomposing 
beneath the rubble of bombed-out hospitals, schools, and densely packed refugee 
camps, is likely more than 186,000. And if the deaths continue at the same 
rate, said Devi Sridhar, chair of global public health at the University of 
Edinburgh, the estimated deaths by the end of the year would total 335,500.

In spite of those grim statistics, the Biden administration last month decided 
to play politics with the lives of the desperate and starving survivors in 
Gaza, most of whom had been forced to flee from multiple Israeli evacuation 
orders. To help the Harris campaign with pro-Palestinian voters, Biden 
pretended to turn tough and issued a highly publicized letter giving Netanyahu 
a 30-day deadline to increase the flow of food and other aid to Gaza or face a 
potential cutoff in military support. But it was simply a scam, since the 
deadline would fall after the election was over. When the time limit expired 
last week, there was no longer a need for Biden to pretend that the United 
States would take action. Instead, his administration continued to deceive the 
American public by falsely claiming that it found no evidence that Israel was 
obstructing shipments of food and other aid into Gaza.

The announcement was greeted with disbelief and anger by aid groups, including 
Save the Children, Oxfam, Refugees International, and Mercy Corps. “Israel’s 
actions failed to meet any of the specific criteria set out in the U.S. 
letter,” said a joint statement. “Israel not only failed to meet the U.S. 
criteria that would indicate support to the humanitarian response, but 
concurrently took actions that dramatically worsened the situation on the 
ground, particularly in Northern Gaza. That situation is in an even more dire 
state today than a month ago. The principals of the Inter-Agency Standing 
Committee now assess that ‘the entire Palestinian population in North Gaza is 
at imminent risk of dying from disease, famine and violence.’” According to an 
editorial in the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, “Israel is unleashing an apocalypse 
in Northern Gaza.”

Further evidence of the Biden administration’s deliberate cover-up of the 
ongoing genocide came days after the administration’s announcement when a UN 
special committee released a report that said, “The policies and practices of 
Israel during the reporting period [the past year] are consistent with the 
characteristics of genocide” and “Civilians have been indiscriminately and 
disproportionally killed en masse in Gaza.” The report went on to say that 
there were also serious concerns that Israel was “using starvation as a weapon 
of war”—a fact made clear by numerous reports of humanitarian aid convoys being 
looted right next to the Israeli troops, who stand by and do nothing to stop it.

Israel’s decision to stop cooperating with UNRWA, the critical relief agency 
providing welfare services to Palestinians, is another clear war crime. “Since 
the beginning of the war,” the report concluded, “Israeli officials have 
publicly supported policies that strip Palestinians of the very necessities 
required to sustain life—food, water, and fuel.” The very definition of 
genocide.

Also recently, Human Rights Watch issued a report charging that Israel is using 
its frequent evacuation orders to cause the “deliberate and massive forced 
displacement” of Palestinian civilians in Gaza, actions that appear to “meet 
the definition of ethnic cleansing” as well as crimes against humanity. The 
report, entitled “Hopeless, Starving, and Besieged: Israel’s Forced 
Displacement of Palestinians in Gaza,” went on to say that the group has 
collected clear evidence pointing to “the war crime of forcible transfer [of 
the civilian population].” They described these actions as “a grave breach of 
the Geneva Conventions and a crime under the Rome statute of the international 
criminal court.”

That same evidence of genocide, starvation, ethnic cleansing, and forced 
displacement was clearly available to the Biden administration, yet it lied to 
the American public to hide its own criminal culpability in the war crimes, 
crimes against humanity, and genocide.

There is no statute of limitations when it comes to support for genocide, nor 
does it make a difference whether an individual is in or out of office. What 
matters is evidence of the crime, and there is more than enough for the ICC’s 
chief prosecutor to issue an application for an arrest warrant for Biden, just 
as it did for Netanyahu. After all, it’s the United States that builds the 
bombs, pays for them, ships them to Israel, provides intelligence on targets in 
Gaza, and supplies the planes that carry them. All Israel does is drop them, 
with US approval, on the tens of thousands of innocent civilians.

By June, the Biden administration had sent Israel at least 14,000 massively 
deadly 2,000-pound MK-84 bombs, made in Oklahoma and dropped on hospitals, 
apartment blocks, and crowded refugee camps. In addition, it sent 6,500 
500-pound bombs, 3,000 Hellfire precision-guided air-to-ground missiles, 1,000 
bunker-buster bombs, 2,600 air-dropped small-diameter bombs, and other 
munitions.

Added to that is the approval of additional ground attack aircraft to Israel’s 
existing American-made F-15s, F-16s and F-35s and Apache helicopters. And in 
January, following a visit to Washington by Eyal Zamir, Israel’s Defense 
Ministry director-general, defense sources told the Times of Israel that Israel 
plans to procure a new squadron of 25 F35i stealth fighter jets, a squadron of 
25 F-151A fighter jets, and a new squadron of 12 Apache helicopters.

In the end, it’s the American taxpayers who are financing the genocide. 
According to Bruce Fein, an expert in international law, “The United States has 
clearly become a co-belligerent with Israel in its war against Hamas-Gaza 
Palestinians by systematically supplying the IDF with weapons and intelligence 
without conditions.”

If the ICC were to seek an arrest warrant for Biden before he leaves office or 
shortly thereafter, it would also serve as a warning to his successor, 
President-elect Donald Trump, who appears to have even less regard for the 
Palestinians. And his return to the White House will allow Netanyahu to not 
only speed up the genocide, but also to achieve his ultimate goal: the 
annexation of Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem, illegal actions under 
international law.

“Netanyahu has stalled until Trump’s election, and it paid off. Now there’s 
nothing standing in his way,” Palestinian political scientist Nour Odeh told Le 
Monde. He added: “He can wage his war as he sees fit, especially as he has just 
sacked his defense minister, Yoav Gallant, who had opposed him. As for Trump, 
he’s not interested in the Palestinian Authority, the state of which is getting 
worse all the time, nor in a dialogue with Mahmoud Abbas, because they’ve 
already fallen out. He’s going to do whatever Israel wants. And international 
law won’t hold him back any more than American law will.”

Among those overjoyed by Trump’s triumph is far-right Finance Minister Bezalel 
Smotrich. “Trump’s victory brings an important opportunity for the State of 
Israel,” he told supporters at a conference of his Religious Zionist Party. 
During Trump’s first term, he said, “we were on the verge of applying 
sovereignty over the settlements” in the West Bank. “Now,” he said, “the time 
has come to make it a reality.”

And on November 12, Trump sent the same signal back to Smotrich and Netanyahu 
by naming as his new ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee, an evangelical 
Christian. Shortly afterward, Huckabee said in an Israeli radio interview that 
“of course” annexation of the West Bank is possible in the next administration, 
but the policy hasn’t been set. And in 2017, he claimed, “There is no such 
thing as a West Bank. It’s Judea and Samaria. There’s no such thing as a 
settlement. They’re communities, they’re neighborhoods, they’re cities. There’s 
no such thing as an occupation.” He went even further in a statement during his 
2008 presidential campaign. “Basically, there really is no such thing as—I need 
to be careful about saying this, because people will really get upset—there’s 
really no such thing as a Palestinian,” he said. “There’s not.”

Although neither the United States nor Israel recognizes the jurisdiction of 
the ICC, most other countries of the world, including in Europe, do. So, should 
Biden join Netanyahu on the ICC’s wanted list, he would remain safe as long as 
he never leaves the country. But if he were to give a speech or attend a 
ceremony outside the country, an Interpol Red Notice would likely be waiting 
for him, followed by a quick trip to the ICC’s Court Tower in The Hague. 
According to The Architectural Review, those awaiting trial at the ICC are 
confined in a “dark gray holding cell complete with steel table and chair 
bolted to the floor, a slab for a bed, seatless stainless-steel prison toilet 
and sink.” And there is plenty of room for both Netanyahu and Biden.

James Bamford



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