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Don't Deify Jimmy Carter

Jimmy Carter may have done good works out of office, but in power he fomented a 
series of domestic and foreign policy disasters.

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| Chris Hedges |

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|  Dec 30 |

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This, That or the Other Carter - by Mr. Fish




Jimmy Carter, out of office, had the courage to call out the “abominable 
oppression and persecution” and “strict segregation” of Palestinians in the 
West Bank and Gaza in his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” He 
dedicated himself to monitoring elections, including his controversial defense 
of the 2006 election of Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, and championed human rights 
around the globe. He lambasted the American political process as an “oligarchy” 
in which “unlimited political bribery” created “a complete subversion of our 
political system as a payoff to major contributors.”

But Carter’s years as an ex-president should not mask his dogged service to the 
empire, penchant for fomenting disastrous proxy wars, betrayal of the 
Palestinians, embrace of punishing neoliberal policies and his subservience to 
big business when he was in office.

Carter played a significant role in dismantling New Deal legislation with the 
deregulation of major industries including airlines, banking, trucking, 
telecommunications, natural gas and railways. He appointed Paul Volcker to the 
Federal Reserve, who, in an effort to combat inflation, drove up interest rates 
and pushed the U.S. into the deepest recession since the Great Depression, a 
move that saw the start of punishing austerity cuts. Carter is the godfather of 
the pillage known as neoliberalism, a pillage fellow Democrat Bill Clinton 
would turbo charge.

Carter fell under the disastrous influence of his Svengali-like national 
security adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski, a Polish exile, who rejected the 
Nixon-Kissinger reliance on détente with the Soviet Union. Brzezinski’s life’s 
mission, one that meant he saw the world in black and white, was to confront 
and destroy the Soviet Union along with any government or movement he deemed to 
be under communist influence or sympathetic to it.

Carter, under Brzezinski’s influence, walked away from the Strategic Arms 
Limitation Talks treaty (SALT II) with the Soviet Union, which sought to curb 
nuclear weapons deployment. He increased military spending. He sent military 
aid to the Indonesian New Order government during the Indonesian invasion and 
occupation of East Timor, which many have characterized as a genocide. He 
supported, along with the apartheid state of South Africa, the murderous 
counter revolutionary group, the National Union for the Total Independence of 
Angola (UNITA), led by Jonas Savimbi. He provided aid to the brutal Zairian 
dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. He supported the Khmer Rouge.

He instructed the Central Intelligence Agency to back opposition groups and 
political parties to bring down the Sandinista government in Nicaragua once it 
took power in 1979, leading under the Reagan administration to the formation of 
the Contras and a bloody and senseless U.S.-backed insurgency. He provided 
military aid to the dictatorship in El Salvador, ignoring an appeal from 
Archbishop Oscar Romero — later assassinated — to cease U.S. arms shipments.

He poisoned U.S. relations with Iran by backing the repressive regime of Shah 
Mohammad Reza Pahlavi until the last minute and then allowing the deposed Shah 
to seek medical treatment in New York, triggering the occupation of the U.S. 
Embassy in Tehran and a 444-day hostage crisis. Carter’s belligerence — he 
froze Iranian assets, stopped importing oil from Iran and expelled 183 Iranian 
diplomats from the U.S. — played into Ayatollah Khomeini’s demonization of the 
U.S. and calls for Islamic rule. He obliterated the credibility of Iran’s 
secular opposition.

Carter gave Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos, although he ruled under 
martial law, billions in military aid. He armed the Mujahideen in Afghanistan 
after the Soviet intervention in 1979, a decision that cost the U.S. $3 
billion, saw the deaths of 1.5 million Afghans and led to the creation of the 
Taliban and Al Qaeda. The blowback from this Carter policy alone is 
catastrophic.

He backed the South Korean military in 1980 when it laid siege to the city of 
Gwangju, where protestors had formed a militia, which led to the massacre of 
some 2,000 people.

Finally, he sold out the Palestinians when he negotiated a separate peace deal, 
known as the Camp David Accords, in 1979 between Egyptian President Anwar Sadat 
and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin. The agreement excluded the Palestine 
Liberation Organization from the talks. Israel never, as promised to Carter, 
attempted to resolve the Palestine question with Jordan and Egypt’s 
involvement. It never permitted Palestinian self-government in the West Bank 
and Gaza within five years. It did not end Israeli settlements — a refusal that 
led Carter to later claim Begin had lied to him. But since there was no 
mechanism in the agreement for enforcement, and since Carter was unwilling to 
defy the Israel lobby to impose sanctions on Israel, the Palestinians found 
themselves, once again, powerless and abandoned.

Carter, to his credit, did appoint the civil rights activist Patricia Derian as 
his Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs, 
leading to the blocking of loans and reduction in military aid to the military 
junta in Argentina during the Dirty War, restrictions the Reagan administration 
removed. Derian’s commitment to human rights was genuine. She supported 
Philippines leader Benigno S. Aquino Jr. and the South Korean dissident and 
former president Kim Dae-jung. Carter allowed her to anger a few of our most 
repressive allies. But his human rights policy was primarily designed to back 
democratic dissidents and worker movements in Central and Eastern Europe, 
especially Poland, in an effort to weaken the Soviet Union.

Carter had a decency most politicians lack, but his moral crusades, which came 
once he was out of power, seem like a form of penance. His record as president 
is bloody and dismal, although not as bloody and dismal as the presidents who 
followed. That’s the best we can say of him.



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