I might later on in the year do a presentation  on the philosophy of science 
issues that are raised by the debates over the labor theory of value that the 
young Sidney Hook had been concerned  with. The following is a rough draft.

-----------------------------------------------------

Let me begin with a classic puzzle in economics.

Imagine a small market town. A barrel of water costs almost nothing, while a 
diamond of similar size may cost thousands of dollars. Yet water is obviously 
far more necessary for human life than diamonds. Why, then, is the diamond more 
expensive?

This puzzle is known as the *diamond–water paradox* , and it played an 
important role in the development of economic theory.

Different economists offered different answers to it, and those answers 
eventually developed into two major theories of value.

One of these is the *labor theory of value* , associated with Karl Marx. 
According to this theory, the value of a commodity ultimately depends on the 
socially necessary labor time required to produce it.

The other is the *marginalist theory of value* , developed in the late 
nineteenth century by economists such as Jevons, Menger, and Walras. 
Marginalists rejected the labor theory and argued instead that value arises 
from subjective preferences. Prices reflect the interaction of supply and 
demand and the marginal utility of goods to consumers.

So here we have two very different theoretical frameworks explaining the same 
economic phenomena.

One of the most famous criticisms of Marx’s theory came from the Austrian 
economist Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk, in his book Karl Marx and the Close of His 
System. Böhm-Bawerk argued that Marx’s theory fails because actual market 
prices diverge from labor values.

Marx himself recognized this issue and introduced the concept of prices of 
production, which adjust labor values to account for the equalization of profit 
rates across industries. Böhm-Bawerk argued that this transformation undermined 
the labor theory of value.

Marxist economists such as Rudolf Hilferding and Nikolai Bukharin attempted to 
defend Marx against this criticism. But what interests me tonight is a somewhat 
different perspective on this debate.

In his 1933 book Towards the Understanding of Karl Marx , the philosopher 
Sidney Hook suggested that the dispute between Marx’s labor theory of value and 
the marginalist theory might not be resolvable simply by looking at empirical 
data.

Hook argued that economic theories are not simply mirror images of reality. 
Instead, they function as conceptual tools for interpreting complex phenomena. 
As Hook wrote:

> 
> 
> 
> “Theories are instruments of inquiry, not photographic copies of reality;
> their value lies in the insight they yield into the processes they seek to
> explain.”
> 
> 

>From this perspective, rival economic theories may interpret the same 
>observable phenomena in different ways. Marginalists see prices as the outcome 
>of subjective preferences and market equilibrium. Marxists see prices as 
>surface expressions of deeper relations rooted in the organization of 
>production and the extraction of surplus value.

Hook therefore suggested that the choice between theories cannot always be 
settled by empirical evidence alone. Instead, theories may be evaluated partly 
in terms of their explanatory power—how well they illuminate the structure and 
dynamics of the economic system.

Interestingly, this line of reasoning has an important precedent in the work of 
the French mathematician and physicist Henri Poincaré.

Poincaré was one of the great scientific thinkers of the late nineteenth and 
early twentieth centuries, and his work on the foundations of mathematics and 
physics influenced the young Einstein when Einstein was developing the theory 
of relativity.

In his book Science and Hypothesis , Poincaré argued that empirical 
observations do not uniquely determine the geometry we use to describe physical 
space. He famously wrote:

> 
> 
> 
> “The axioms of geometry are neither synthetic a priori judgments nor
> experimental facts. They are conventions.”
> 
> 

His point was that the same physical phenomena could be described using 
different geometrical frameworks—such as Euclidean or non-Euclidean 
geometry—provided that the corresponding physical laws were adjusted 
appropriately.

In other words, empirical data alone may not uniquely determine the theoretical 
framework we use to interpret them.

Philosophers of science later developed this idea more systematically. Pierre 
Duhem argued that scientific hypotheses cannot be tested in isolation; 
experiments always test a whole network of assumptions. Later, Willard Van 
Orman Quine extended this idea, suggesting that our scientific theories form an 
interconnected web of beliefs. This idea is now known as the Duhem–Quine 
thesis, and it illustrates the broader problem of the underdetermination of 
theory by evidence.

Hook’s analysis of economic theory can be seen as an application of this 
insight. If multiple theoretical frameworks can interpret the same economic 
data, then empirical evidence alone may not be sufficient to determine which 
theory is correct.

At this point it is useful to connect this discussion with a broader debate in 
the philosophy of science: the debate between scientific realism and 
instrumentalism.

Scientific realists generally hold that successful scientific theories describe 
real structures in the world. If a theory works well, that is taken as evidence 
that it is at least approximately true.

Instrumentalists, by contrast, tend to treat theories primarily as tools for 
organizing experience and guiding inquiry, without necessarily claiming that 
their theoretical entities literally correspond to reality.

Hook’s interpretation of Marx leans toward the instrumentalist side. The labor 
theory of value can be seen as a powerful framework for analyzing capitalism, 
even if it is not interpreted as a literal explanation of everyday market 
prices.

Not everyone accepted this interpretation. Marxist thinkers such as Hilferding 
and Bukharin generally treated Marx’s value theory as an objectively true 
scientific theory about the structure of capitalist society.

A later Marxist critic, George Novack, argued in Pragmatism Versus Marxism that 
pragmatist interpretations of Marx undermine the scientific claims of Marxism 
by reducing truth to practical usefulness.

So we can see a philosophical divide emerging here.

Hook interprets Marx through a *pragmatist and instrumentalist lens* , 
emphasizing the usefulness of theoretical frameworks.

Critics such as Hilferding, Bukharin, and Novack defend a more *realist 
interpretation* , according to which Marx’s theory is literally true as a 
scientific explanation of capitalist society.

Finally, a later Marxist economist, Paul Sweezy, offered a perspective that 
partly bridges this gap. In The Theory of Capitalist Development , Sweezy 
argued that Marx’s labor theory of value should not be interpreted primarily as 
a direct theory of market prices. Instead, it is a conceptual framework for 
analyzing the deeper social relations of capitalist production, particularly 
the origin of surplus value and exploitation.

This interpretation suggests that rival economic theories may operate at 
different explanatory levels.

All of this raises some interesting philosophical questions.

Can empirical evidence alone decide between rival economic theories?

If two theories explain the same phenomena, how should we choose between them?

Should economic theories be judged primarily by their truth, their predictive 
success, or their explanatory insight?

And finally, do the social sciences face deeper problems of theory choice and 
underdetermination than we usually encounter in the natural sciences?


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