More on the intra-left struggles. Via : "The war within : America's battle
over Vietnam <https://archive.org/details/warwithin00tomw>," by Tom Wells.

"The invasion of Laos and the specter it raised of even greater
escalation—including an invasion of North Vietnam—spurred organizing for
the spring demonstrations. On February 19–21, over two thousand young
people attended a national student antiwar conference sponsored by the
SWP-controlled Student Mobilization Committee at Washington’s Catholic
University. The conferees endorsed the April 24 demonstration. Prior to the
meeting, the FBI had orchestrated a political pressure campaign to force
the university to cancel it, including anonymous mailings charging that the
Catholic Church had been “duped again” by the Trotskyists. “Considering
financial support CU receives from Roman Catholics throughout U.S.,
majority of whom are undoubtedly anti-communist and loyal Americans,” J.
Edgar Hoover wrote FBI field offices, “it appears unique
counterintelligence situation presented with potential to have SMC
conference cancelled.” The FBI’s dirty tricks forced the SMC to secure a
million-dollar insurance policy from Lloyd’s of London against potential
damage from “riots” at the conference.25

Given the new crisis in Indochina, many antiwar activists beseeched NPAC
and PCPJ to set aside their differences and unite on a national protest.
“NPAC set a date. PCPJ set a date. Beautiful!” Norma Becker sarcastically
remarked. “Two ‘massive’ national antiwar actions are now scheduled to take
place in D.C. a week apart. Great!” Becker went on: Certain outcomes of
this division and its inevitable competitive struggle for support are
predictable: smaller, narrower, less effective actions this Spring; mutual
recrimination and bitterness among movement activists; demoralization and
disgust within the ranks of the movement. We perhaps, placing priority on
our rather petty power politics and pathetic ego trips, deserve this…but
the people of Indochina don’t!26

In late February, faced with NPAC’s apparent determination to plow ahead
with April 24 regardless of other activists’ wishes, PCPJ decided to cancel
the protest it had planned for May 2 and support the April demonstration.
NPAC refused to allow PCPJ any control over the organization of it,
however, despite PCPJ’s efforts to build it. Brad Lyttle remembered: We
went over all of the aspects of the demonstration to see how PCPJ would be
involved, and PCPJ wasn’t going to be involved. “How’s the money going to
be divided once it’s collected?” “Well,” the SWP said, “we’re not going to
give you any money. What we’ll have is competitive fund-raising.” …They
were just so contemptuous of PCPJ’s organizing machinery that they thought
that PCPJ couldn’t collect anything and they’d collect everything. “The
sound system—who’s going to pay for the sound system?” Well, they’d pay for
the sound system, even though it was originally decided that we’d split the
cost, because if you control the sound system you control the
demonstration.… Physically, I had nightmares working with the SWP on that
demonstration because they lied to me directly so many times. And finally I
went up to their office and I said, “Syd [Stapleton, an SWP leader], just
tell me exactly why it is that you believe that the SWP is going to control
this demonstration at the end rather than PCPJ?” And he looked me straight
in the eye and said, “Brad, it’s because we have the permit for the rally
site.” I said, “In other words, you’d call out the cops to keep PCPJ from
being involved.” He didn’t say anything, but that’s what they would have
done! “I was absolutely appalled by the manipulations of the SWP in
actually trying to take over complete control when they were in a united
effort with the People’s Coalition,” Sidney Peck recalled. “I was just
totally appalled by that.”27

PCPJ decided to organize a “People’s Lobby” in Washington during the period
between April 24 and May Day. The lobbyists would “talk directly and
forcibly with all employees of the federal government.” They would demand
an end to the war, the release of all political prisoners in the United
States and a guaranteed income of $6,500 per year for a family of four.
PCPJ also resolved to participate in May Day, including through nonviolent
civil disobedience at the Pentagon, Justice Department, and Capitol. PCPJ
would not organize illegalities on April 24; in return, NPAC would not
interfere with May Day. “We just agreed not to get in each other’s way,”
Fred Halstead recalled. Nevertheless, SWPers violence-baited May Day and
advertised that it had been canceled. “They were basically divisive and
really manipulative,” Peck said.28 Many PCPJ activists continued to be
nervous about May Day as well. “I was spending a tremendous amount of time
then running interference for the mostly young May Day Tribe…with my old
colleagues, including Sidney Peck, [who] was very skeptical,” Dave
Dellinger recalled.29<SNIP>


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