Thanks, John, for the clarification. I didn't intend to imply that you were 
rejecting the importance of structural changes in the working class, nor to 
lump your argument in with Steve Colatrella's. My point was the link between 
those two levels of analysis.

I agree that the union bureaucracy has to be properly attacked. Indeed, I think 
one of the problems of much of the socialist left is that it confuses "labor" 
with the official union apparatus and the working class. They are not The 
bureaucracy has its own institutional interests, its own relation to the 
employers and the state, and its own interest in managing struggle from above. 
Any meaningful working-class politics has to start by separating the rank and 
file from the officialdom.

Where I would differ slightly is this: the bureaucracy does not operate in 
isolation. The fragmentation, stratification, and political disarray of the 
class make its power more effective. Changes in the employment structure, 
location, union density, contracting, logistics, public sector employment, 
immigration status, debt, housing insecurity, and professionalization influence 
the terrain on which the bureaucracy acts. I would thus not contrast structural 
transformation with bureaucratic betrayal. Bureaucracy is one of the processes 
by which fragmentation is controlled, sustained, and politically reproduced.

Your example of the carpenters is useful since it demonstrates that 
fragmentation is not a new phenomenon. But I still ask, why did older forms of 
job-site militancy, informal solidarity, wildcat capacity, and union 
consciousness diminish so dramatically? Part of the answer is probably 
bureaucracy. But another part is that the larger institutions that used to 
provide working-class life a collective political form — socialist parties, 
communist organizations, militant locals, shop-floor networks, working-class 
neighborhoods, radical newspapers, ethnic and fraternal associations, and 
durable political education — have largely crumbled. Absent those mediating 
organizations, real fury, too, is episodic.

That’s what I meant by No Kings, airport occupations, and other such 
mobilizations. You are right; absolutely they do generate structures. But the 
structures they build are typically NGO structures, campaign structures, 
nonprofit structures, media structures, and Democratic Party-adjacent ones. 
They do not usually build separate working-class institutions. My point was 
that some durable things come out. My point was that what tends to last is not 
a political form of the working class.

So I think the question has to be asked in this way: how can working-class 
people make the leap from protest participation to autonomous organization? Not 
just better demos, not just more militant rhetoric, and not just pressure on 
progressive union officials, but durable rank-and-file networks, democratic 
political organization, cadre development, independent press and education, 
workplace-rooted committees, and a party/programmatic form capable of linking 
workplace struggle, social movements, and electoral politics without 
subordinating them to the Democratic Party or the union officialdom.

So I think we are nearer than it may have seemed. I do believe that any 
socialist politics that avoids the union bureaucracy is avoiding one of the key 
impediments to working-class self-organization. My contribution is to situate 
the bureaucracy's activity within the overall breakdown of the class as a 
political entity. The aim is not merely to condemn the bureaucracy, as vital as 
that is, but to build the autonomous institutions through which the rank and 
file can become politically conscious, organized, and capable of acting for 
itself.
Tony


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