*Variations of the capitalist state*

Recently this list has featured some discussion of the theory of the state, the 
postings of Anthony Teso on his idea of Patrimonial Bonapartism have especially 
sparked discussion.

I would like to step back a little bit to place this conversation in the 
broader context of the history of the state and revolutions, and of Marxist 
theory of the state.

In the epoch of the great bourgeois revolutions, which I would date from the 
Dutch War of Independence to the Latin American Wars of Independence (roughly 
1565 to 1820), the bourgeoisies of the United Kingdom and what became the 
United States established the two most successful state regimes in the history 
of capitalism until the rise of the modern Chinese capitalist state.

Without discussing them, it is hard to understand where the failed French 
efforts to form a stable bourgeois regime, including the failure of Louis 
Bonaparte, fit. Without discussing them, it is hard to place all of the other 
variations of capitalist states that have risen, and fallen, in the time since.

In both cases, these states were based in large part on the successful 
expansion of precapitalist empires through military conquest (aided of course 
by diplomacy, treachery, and other minor dark arts.)

The state of the United Kingdom is the product of the successful transformation 
of the old absolutist monarchy’s institutions into what became the “king in 
parliament” and then the “constitutional monarchy” (which has no written 
constitution.)

The state of the United States of America is the result of a successful 
transformation of the colonial extensions of the king in parliament into the 
most self-consciously formed bourgeois republic in history. Both were 
revolutionary transformations that were made through civil wars, upheavals, and 
coup d’etats.

Both have been widely copied and emulated, although the emulations were not 
always voluntary.

The bourgeoisies of the two countries were trying to capture existing state 
structures and use them for their own purposes.

Leaving out a lot of history and detail, the problem of absolute monarchy for 
the British bourgeoisie was that the monarch could pick and choose which 
members of the bourgeoisie the state would favor, and then arbitrarily remove 
those privileges and bestow them on another. Making the house of commons 
paramount while subordinating the king and house of lords to the wealthy 
commoners did the trick.

It evolved into the current parliamentary system where the Prime Minister and 
her/his cabinet are part of, and subordinate to, the house of commons. 
Consequently, their autonomy from the representatives of the whole capitalist 
class is very limited.

The wealthy colonial commoners in North America had a similar, but more 
complex, problem to solve. They wanted to rid themselves of rule from across 
the Atlantic by the wealthy commoners and their captive king, and they wanted 
to conquer the continent that lay to the west of their little statelets on the 
Atlantic seaboard. To do both of those things, they needed to mobilize the 
commoners who were not wealthy, and they needed to maintain their own unity. 
Moreover, they faced deep internal contradictions especially over the 
complementary but competing productive systems of small-scale family production 
and slave production in the south and north.

After experimenting with a confederation in of state governments within which 
poorer white men sometimes could exert significant power, they imposed the 
current Constitution of the United States which created a complicated balance 
and separation of powers between state governments and the federal government, 
and among three major institutions within state and federal governments; the 
legislative, executive and judiciary branches.

The complexities of this system deprived the poorer white men of most real 
power, but not completely because their participation in the state was vital 
for mobilizing them for westward conquest. At the same time it allowed for the 
conflicting regional interests of the wealthy to be dampened by giving local 
groups control over state governments while making the federal legislative 
bodies a place for them to fight out and negotiate compromises.

Most importantly in the long run, it established an elected monarch with real 
powers greater than those of the hereditary monarchs back across the Atlantic. 
The real, but relative, autonomy of the President of the United States gave the 
system the ability to survive even when the legislative system and division of 
power among state governments failed to find suitable compromises. In fact, the 
system survived the Civil War for just this reason.

And this brings us back to Bonapartism. The USA never needed to resort to what 
Marxists now call Bonapartism because it has already included a limited kind of 
Bonapartism in its Constitutional system.

Now, something has changed. Donald J. Trump is way out of line. He does not fit 
into the mold of past presidents. He is more corrupt, more authoritarian, and 
more contemptuous of the country’s constitution than any past president.

A broader look at the world shows that Trump is not the only one who is out of 
line. The whole trend towards the emulation of, or imposition of, the state 
models of the US and UK that began in the Latin American Wars of Independence, 
accelerated in the aftermath of World War I, was temporarily reversed in the 
1920’s and 30’s, and then accelerated again after World War II, seems to have 
halted and begun to move in the opposite direction.

We have the theocratic states of Israel, Saudi Arabia and Iran, the post 
Stalinist states of Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan, and the “democratic 
backsliding” of various governments in Europe (e.g. Hungary), Latin America 
(e.g. El Salvador and Argentina), and the most notorious case of Trump in the 
USA.

What is going on? Why is this happening?

I would say that capitalism has hit the wall. In every country of the world, 
the contending factions of the ruling capitalist classes are failing to find 
acceptable compromises and beginning to fight each other much more seriously 
than in the long post World War II period.

More or more, the legislatures of the capitalist states have become 
dysfunctional, deadlocked bodies. They have no solutions for the common good of 
the whole ruling class (let alone for other social classes). In the absence of 
common solutions, each faction tries to capture the power of the state for its 
own benefit and the hell with the rest.

These new governments are working towards changing existing capitalist state 
regimes to more closely resemble the precapitalist monarchies they replaced. So 
far, they have not succeeded, although the special cases of the post Stalinist 
regimes have come closest.

I hope to continue this after others have chimed in.


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