http://www.arabnews.com/?page=7&section=0&article=94973&d=14&m=4&y=2007&pix=opinion.jpg&category=Opinion

            Saturday, 14, April, 2007 (26, Rabi` al-Awwal, 1428)


                  You Can't Appease Them
                  Amir Taheri, Arab News 
                    
                  Until just a few days ago, most policymakers and analysts in 
the West often cited Algeria as a successful example of dealing with Islamist 
terror through political means rather than the use of force. The idea is that 
accommodating the Islamists by offering them a share of political power while 
adopting part of their social agenda would temper their appetite for total 
domination.

                  The resurgence of terrorism, as witnessed in the recent 
series of attacks including a spectacular suicide operation that killed 30 
people in the capital Algiers on Wednesday, casts doubt on the validity of that 
analysis.

                  For, during the past six years, President Abdulaziz 
Bouteflika has gone out of his way to accommodate the Islamists. He started by 
freeing thousands of militants, including hundreds with blood on their hand, 
from prison. 

                  He continued with an amnesty that allowed thousands more to 
come out of the hiding and resettle in society, often with generous grants from 
the government. In some cases the government "compensated" the supposedly 
repenting terrorists for losses sustained while away doing the "jihad".

                  In countless cases, these amnestied criminals have used their 
time with normality as an opportunity to rest, have their teeth done, and in 
many cases even get married and father a brood before returning to the forests 
and mountains to resume their "jihad". 

                  Dozens even went to Iraq to fight the "jihad" there. 

                  The Iraqi authorities are currently holding at least 130 of 
them.

                  Bouteflika went further by reinstating thousands of Islamist 
sympathizers who had been purged from the civil service. He replaced Prime 
Minister Ahmed Ouyahya, the man who had led the successful war against Islamist 
terror for almost a decade, with Abdulaziz Belkhadem, who was the target of the 
latest suicide attack. 

                  Ironically, Belkhadem, who sports the correct Islamist 
Vandyke, is himself a moderate Islamist. In the coalition Cabinet that he heads 
at least a third of the portfolios are held by moderate Islamists with ties to 
the Muslim Brotherhood.

                  To woo the Islamists, Bouteflika has also promulgated a 
family law that cancels most of the rights granted to women under Algeria's 
original, secular constitution. The "moderate Islamist' regime installed by 
Bouteflika has also rewritten school textbooks and reorganized the nation's 
cultural life to take into account some of the grievances of the jihadists 
about the advent of a heathen social system inspired by the "infidel" from 
across the Mediterranean.

                  The Bouteflika experiment, no doubt prompted by the best of 
intentions illustrates at least two facts. The first is that the jihadists will 
not be content with a share of political power. They do not want anything in 
particular; they want everything. 

                  The second is that concessions given to Islamists disheartens 
the rest of the society, thus weakening its resolve to resist the diktats of 
the jihadists. 

                  In the kind of strategy adopted by Bouteflika, the more the 
state gives to the insurgents the more they would demand.

                  The jihadist movement in Algeria was never only, or even 
mainly, about what Bouteflika has offered. Mustafa Bouyali, the man who 
fathered the jihadist movement in the mid-1980s, made it clear from the start.

                  "The Arab Maghreb (that is to say Tunisia, Morocco and Libya) 
is the gateway to Andalusia (that is to say Spain) and only the first step 
toward planting the banner of the Only True Faith over Europe," he wrote in 
February 1986.

                  Bouyali's heirs, notably Ali Benhadj, one of the founders of 
the Front for Islamic Salvation (FIS) have echoed that sentiment on a number of 
occasions.

                  The global ambitions of the Algerian jihadist movement were 
highlighted last September when the Salafi group for Preaching and Armed Jihad 
(GSPDA) announced its dissolution into a new outfit named Al-Qaeda Organization 
in the Islamic Maghreb. At the time, the news was greeted by Al-Qaeda deputy 
leader Ayman Al-Zawahri as "a source of chagrin, frustration and sadness" for 
Algeria's authorities. 

                  Since last December, the group has targeted buses in Algiers 
carrying Western technicians and businessmen, including some affiliated with 
the US corporation Halliburton. In March it blew up a bus carrying Russian 
workers close to the Algerian capital.

                  Six people were killed and 13 injured in seven explosions 
outside police stations in the eastern Kabylia region in February and 33 
Algerian soldiers are reported to have lost their lives this month. At least 22 
smaller attacks have taken place in Ain-Deflah, Shlef and the forests south of 
the capital. Other incidents across the Maghreb point to the group's possible 
regional ambitions. 

                  In January 12 people were shot dead by the security forces in 
Tunisia near the small town of Solimane south of the capital Tunis. 

                  The authorities initially described the attackers as ordinary 
criminals but later admitted that the men were Islamic militants with 
connections to the Algerian branch of Al-Qaeda.

                  Meanwhile, in Morocco, the security forces are on high alert 
after three suicide bombers blew themselves up on Tuesday. There have also been 
attacks in Mauritania where the newly elected democratic government maintains 
relations with Israel.

                  The GSPDA grew out of another of Algeria's leading militant 
groups, the Armed Islamic Group (GIA), and together the groups are blamed for 
some 150,000 deaths since 1992. 

                  Two years ago, deputy GSPC leader Amari Saifi was sentenced 
to life in prison for kidnapping 32 European tourists in 2003. The former 
paratrooper was captured by Chadian rebels in mysterious circumstances and 
passed on to Libya before standing trial in Algeria. 

                  The original leader of the GSPDA was one Hassan Hattab, who 
also spent a spell fighting in Afghanistan and Chechnya, but later defected to 
the Algerian authorities in 2003. His successor was Nabil Al-Saharoui who was 
killed in action in 2004. The current leader is one Abou Mossab Abdelwadoud, a 
former university science student and notorious bomb maker in his thirties, who 
took over in 2004. 

                  Another leading member is Mokhtar Belmokhtar, known as the 
"one-eyed", a former soldier who fought in Afghanistan and Iraq. He leads the 
Saharan faction of the group and has organized the importing of arms for the 
underground network from Niger and Mali. The group is thought to have between 
600 to 800 fighters spread throughout Algeria and Europe. 

                  Since the rise of Al-Qaeda globally, security experts have 
warned that the Sahara's wide-open spaces and porous borders make it a haven 
for militant groups. 

                  North Africa is only one of the four "gates" in Al-Qaeda's 
dream of world conquest. Pakistan is known as "Bab Al-Hind" (The Gate of India) 
while the Caucasus is "Bab Al-Saqalibah" (Gate of the Land of Slavs). Turkey is 
"Bab Al-Roum" (The Gate of Europe). Iraq is " Bab Al-Arab" (The Gate of Arabia).

                  As the latest attacks in Algeria and Morocco show the "arc of 
jihad" now stretches from the Indian Ocean to the Atlanti
                 
           
     

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