China’s
Lessons for the World Bank


Jeffrey D. Sachs


 


The China Daily recently ran a front-page story recounting
how Paul Wolfowitz used threats and vulgarities to pressure senior World Bank
staff. The newspaper noted that Wolfowitz sounded like a character out of the
mafia television show The Sopranos . At the same time, while the Wolfowitz
scandal unfolded, China
was playing host to the Africa Development Bank (ADB), which held its Board
meeting in Shanghai. This is a
vivid metaphor for today’s world: while the World Bank is caught up in
corruption and controversy, China
skillfully raises its geopolitical profile in the developing world. 


China’s
rising power is, of course, based heavily on its remarkable economic success.
The ADB meeting took place in the Pudong District, Shanghai’s
most remarkable development site. From largely unused land a generation ago,
Pudong has become a booming center of skyscrapers, luxury hotels, parks,
industry, and vast stretches of apartment buildings. Shanghai’s
overall economy is currently growing at around 13% per year, thus doubling in
size every five or six years. Everywhere there are startups, innovations, and
young entrepreneurs hungry for profits. 


I had the chance to participate in high-level meetings
between Chinese and African officials at the ADB meetings. The advice that the
African leaders received from their Chinese counterparts was sound, and much
more practical than they typically get from the World Bank. 


Chinese officials stressed the crucial role of public investments,
especially in agriculture and infrastructure, to lay the basis for
private-sector-led growth. In a hungry and poor rural economy, as China was in
the 1970’s and as most of Africa is today, a key starting point is to raise
farm productivity. Peasant farmers need the benefits of fertilizer, irrigation,
and high-yield seeds, all of which were a core part of China’s
economic takeoff. 


Two other critical investments are also needed: roads and
electricity, without which there cannot be a modern economy. Farmers might be
able to increase their output, but it won’t be able to reach the cities, and
the cities won’t be able to provide the countryside with inputs. The officials
stressed how the government has taken pains to ensure that the power grid and
transportation network reaches every village in China.



Of course, the African leaders were most appreciative of
the next message: China
is prepared to help Africa in substantial ways in
agriculture, roads, power, health, and education. And the African leaders
already know that this is not an empty boast. All over Africa,
China is
financing and constructing basic infrastructure. During the meeting, the
Chinese leaders emphasized their readiness to support agricultural research as
well. They described new high-yield rice varieties, which they are prepared to
share with their African counterparts. 


All of this illustrates what is wrong with the World Bank,
even aside from Wolfowitz’s failed leadership. Unlike the Chinese, the Bank has
too often forgotten the most basic lessons of development, preferring to
lecture the poor and force them to privatize basic infrastructure, rather than
to help the poor to invest in infrastructure and other crucial sectors. 


The Bank’s failures began in the early 1980’s, when, under
the ideological sway of President Ronald Reagan and Prime Minister Margaret
Thatcher, it tried to get Africa and other poor regions to cut back or close
down government investments and services. For 25 years, the Bank tried to get
governments out of agriculture, leaving impoverished peasants to fend for
themselves. The result has been a disaster in Africa,
with farm productivity stagnant for decades. The Bank also pushed for
privatization of national health systems, water utilities, and road and power
networks, and grossly underfinanced these critical sectors. 


This extreme free-market ideology, also called “structural
adjustment,” went against the practical lessons of development successes in 
China
and the rest of Asia. Practical development strategy
recognizes that public investments – in agriculture, health, education, and
infrastructure – are necessary complements to private investments. The World
Bank has instead wrongly seen such vital public investments as an enemy of
private-sector development. 


Whenever the Bank’s extreme free-market ideology failed,
it has blamed the poor for corruption, mismanagement, or lack of initiative.
This was Wolfowitz’s approach, too. Instead of focusing the Bank’s attention on
helping the poorest countries to improve their infrastructure, he launched a
crusade against corruption. Ironically, of course, his stance became untenable
when his own misdeeds came to light. The Bank can regain its relevance only if
it becomes practical once again, by returning its focus to financing public
investments in priority sectors, just as the Chinese leadership is prepared to
do. 


The good news is that African governments are getting the
message on how to spur economic growth, and are also getting crucial help from 
China
and other partners that are less wedded to extreme free-market ideology than
the World Bank. Many African governments at the Shanghai
meeting declared their intention to act boldly, by investing in infrastructure,
agricultural modernization, public health, and education. 


The Wolfowitz debacle should be a wake-up call to the
World Bank: it must no longer be controlled by ideology. If that happens, the
Bank can still do justice to the bold vision of a world of shared prosperity
that prompted its creation after World War II. 


** Jeffrey Sachs is Professor of Economics and
Director of the Earth Institute at Columbia University. 


Copyright: Project
Syndicate, 2007. http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/sachs129



 





       
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