U.S. Finds It's Getting Crowded Out There
Dominance in Space Slips as Other Nations Step Up Efforts

By Marc Kaufman
Washington Post Staff Writer

Wednesday, July 9, 2008; A01

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/07/08/AR2008070803185_pf.html


China plans to conduct its first spacewalk in October. The European Space 
Agency is building a roving robot to land on Mars. India recently launched 
a record 10 satellites into space on a single rocket.

Space, like Earth below, is globalizing. And as it does, America's 
long-held superiority in exploring, exploiting and commercializing "the 
final frontier" is slipping away, many experts believe.

Although the United States remains dominant in most space-related fields -- 
and owns half the military satellites currently orbiting Earth -- experts 
say the nation's superiority is diminishing, and many other nations are 
expanding their civilian and commercial space capabilities at a far faster 
pace.

"We spent many tens of billions of dollars during the Apollo era to 
purchase a commanding lead in space over all nations on Earth," said NASA 
Administrator Michael D. Griffin, who said his agency's budget is down by 
20 percent in inflation-adjusted terms since 1992.

"We've been living off the fruit of that purchase for 40 years and have not 
. . . chosen to invest at a level that would preserve that commanding lead."

In a recent in-depth study of international space competitiveness, the 
technology consulting firm Futron of Bethesda found that the globalizing of 
space is unfolding more broadly and quickly than most Americans realize. 
"Systemic and competitive forces threaten U.S. space leadership," company 
president Joseph Fuller Jr. concluded.

Six separate nations and the European Space Agency are now capable of 
sending sophisticated satellites and spacecraft into orbit -- and more are 
on the way. New rockets, satellites and spacecraft are being planned to 
carry Chinese, Russian, European and Indian astronauts to the moon, to turn 
Israel into a center for launching minuscule "nanosatellites," and to allow 
Japan and the Europeans to explore the solar system and beyond with 
unmanned probes as sophisticated as NASA's.

While the United States has been making incremental progress in space, its 
global rivals have been taking the giant steps that once defined NASA:

· Following China's lead, India has announced ambitious plans for a manned 
space program, and in November the European Union will probably approve a 
proposal to collaborate on a manned space effort with Russia. Russia will 
soon launch rockets from a base in South America under an agreement with 
the European company Arianespace, whose main launch facility is in Kourou, 
French Guiana.

· Japan and China both have satellites circling the moon, and India and 
Russia are also working on lunar orbiters. NASA will launch a lunar 
reconnaissance mission this year, but many analysts believe the Chinese 
will be the first to return astronauts to the moon.

· The United States is largely out of the business of launching satellites 
for other nations, something the Russians, Indians, Chinese and Arianespace 
do regularly. Their clients include Nigeria, Singapore, Brazil, Israel and 
others. The 17-nation European Space Agency (ESA) and China are also 
cooperating on commercial ventures, including a rival to the U.S. 
space-based Global Positioning System.

· South Korea, Taiwan and Brazil have plans to quickly develop their space 
programs and possibly become low-cost satellite launchers. South Korea and 
Brazil are both developing homegrown rocket and satellite-making capacities.

This explosion in international space capabilities is recent, largely 
taking place since the turn of the century. While the origins of Indian, 
Chinese, Japanese, Israeli and European space efforts go back several 
decades, their capability to pull off highly technical feats -- sending 
humans into orbit, circling Mars and the moon with unmanned spacecraft, 
landing on an asteroid and visiting a comet -- are all new developments.


A Different Space Race

In contrast to the Cold War space race between the United States and the 
former Soviet Union, the global competition today is being driven by 
national pride, newly earned wealth, a growing cadre of highly educated men 
and women, and the confidence that achievements in space will bring 
substantial soft power as well as military benefits. The planet-wide 
eagerness to join the space-faring club is palpable.

China has sent men into space twice in the past five years and plans 
another manned mission in October. More than any other country besides the 
United States, experts say, China has decided that space exploration, and 
its commercial and military purposes, are as important as the seas once 
were to the British empire and air power was to the United States.

The Chinese space program began in the 1970s, but it was not until 2003 
that astronaut Yang Liwei was blasted into space in a Shenzhou 5 
spacecraft, making China one of only three nations to send men into space.

"The Chinese have a carefully thought-out human spaceflight program that 
will take them up to parity with the United States and Russia," Griffin 
said. "They're investing to make China a strategic world power second to 
none -- not so much to become a grand military power, but because deals and 
advantage flow to world leaders."

Meanwhile, other nations are pushing to increase their space budgets. 
Ministers from the European Space Agency nations will vote in November on a 
costly plan to begin a human space program. David Southwood, ESA's director 
for science, said human space travel has broad support across the 
continent, and European astronauts who have flown to the space station on 
U.S. and Russian spacecraft are "extremely popular people" in their home 
nations. "It seems highly unlikely that Europe as a whole will opt out of 
putting humans into space," he said.

NASA and the U.S. space effort, meanwhile, have been in something of a slump.

The space shuttle is still the most sophisticated space vehicle ever built, 
and orbiting observatories such as the Hubble space telescope and its 
in-development successor, the James Webb space telescope, remain unmatched. 
But the combination of the 2003 Columbia disaster, the upcoming five-year 
"gap" when NASA will have no American spacecraft that can reach the space 
station, and the widely held belief that NASA lacks the funding to 
accomplish its goals, have together made the U.S. effort appear less than 
robust.

The tone of a recent workshop of space experts brought together by the 
respected National Research Council was described in a subsequent report as 
"surprisingly sober, with frequent expressions of discouragement, 
disappointment, and apprehension about the future of the U.S. civil space 
program."

Uncertainty over the fate of President Bush's ambitious "vision" of a 
manned moon-Mars mission, announced with great fanfare in 2004, is 
emblematic. The program was approved by Congress, but the administration's 
refusal to significantly increase spending to build a new generation of 
spacecraft has slowed development while leading to angry complaints that 
NASA is cannibalizing promising unmanned science missions to pay for the 
moon-Mars effort.

NASA's Griffin has told worried members of Congress that additional funds 
could move up the delivery date of the new-generation spacecraft from 2015 
to 2013. The White House has rejected Senate efforts to provide the money.

Although NASA's annual funding of $17 billion is large by civilian space 
agency standards, it constitutes less than 0.6 percent of the federal 
budget and is believed to be less than half of the amount spent on national 
security space programs. According to the Futron report, a considerably 
higher percentage of U.S. space funding goes into military hardware and 
systems than in any other nation.

At the same time, the enthusiasm for space ventures voiced by Europeans and 
Asians contrasts with America's lukewarm public response to the moon-Mars 
mission. In its assessment, Futron listed the most significant U.S. space 
weakness as "limited public interest in space activity."

The cost of manned space exploration, which requires expensive measures to 
sustain and protect astronauts in the cold emptiness of space, is a 
particular target.

"The manned space program served a purpose during the Apollo times, but it 
just doesn't anymore," says Robert Parks, a University of Maryland physics 
professor who writes about NASA and space. The reason: "Human beings 
haven't changed much in 160,000 years," he said, "but robots get better by 
the day."


Satellite Launches Fall

The study by Futron, which consults for public clients such as NASA and the 
Defense Department, as well as the private space industry, also reported 
that the United States is losing its dominance in orbital launches and 
satellites built. In 2007, 53 American-built satellites were launched -- 
about 50 percent of the total. In 1998, 121 new U.S. satellites went into 
orbit.

In two areas, the space prowess of the United States still dominates. Its 
private space industry earned 75 percent of the worldwide corporate space 
revenue, and the U.S. military has as many satellites as all other nations 
combined.

But that, too, is changing. Russia has increased its military space 
spending considerably since the collapse of the Soviet Union. In May, 
Japan's parliament authorized the use of outer space for defense purposes, 
signaling increased spending on rockets and spy satellites. And China's 
military is building a wide range of capabilities in space, a commander of 
U.S. space forces said last month. Last year, China tested its ground-based 
anti-satellite technology by destroying an orbiting weather satellite -- a 
feat that left behind a cloud of dangerous space debris and considerable 
ill will.

Ironically, efforts to deny space technology to potential enemies have 
hampered American cooperation with other nations and have limited sales of 
U.S.-made hardware.

Concerned about Chinese use of space technology for military purposes, 
Congress ramped up restrictions on rocket and satellite sales, and placed 
them under the cumbersome International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR). 
In addition, sales of potentially "dual use" technology have to be approved 
the State Department rather than the Commerce Department.

The result has been a surge of rocket and satellite production abroad and 
the creation of foreign-made satellites that use only homegrown components 
to avoid complex U.S. restrictions under ITAR and the Iran Nonproliferation 
Act. That law, passed in 2000, tightened a ban on direct or indirect sales 
of advanced technology to Iran (especially by Russia). As a result, a 
number of foreign governments are buying European satellites and paying the 
Chinese, Indian and other space programs to launch them.

"Some of these companies moved ahead in some areas where, I'm sorry to say, 
we are no longer the world leaders," Griffin said.

Joan Johnson-Freese, a space and national security expert at the Naval War 
College in Rhode Island, said the United States has been so determined to 
maintain military space dominance that it is losing ground in commercial 
space uses and space exploration. "We're giving up our civilian space 
leadership, which many of us think will have huge strategic implications," 
she said.

"Other nations are falling over each other to work together in space; they 
want to share the costs and the risks," she added. "Because of the dual-use 
issue, we really don't want to globalize."


================================
George Antunes, Political Science Dept
University of Houston; Houston, TX 77204
Voice: 713-743-3923  Fax: 713-743-3927
antunes at uh dot edu

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