One nation, online
The push to make broadband access a civil right

By Rebecca Tuhus-Dubrow
Boston Globe

June 20, 2010

http://www.boston.com/bostonglobe/ideas/articles/2010/06/20/one_nation_online/


If you’re one of the millions of Americans who use broadband Internet at 
home, you probably take for granted how deeply it’s woven into your 
life. It has transformed the way we pay our bills, seek romance, 
procrastinate, and keep abreast of politics and the lives of friends. 
The pre-Google era has become a distant, hazy memory.

If anything, many of us often half-wish we could escape the Internet’s 
clutches. The constant connectivity can be a shackle as much as a 
convenience. Our habits have even triggered a serious debate about 
whether all that clicking and toggling is warping our brains.

But as the Internet grows more and more important to modern life, some 
are now asking a different kind of question: Should broadband access be 
a civil right?

It may seem strange to put the technology that brought us Facebook in 
the august category where we place voting, or trial by jury. But 
increasingly, activists, analysts, and government officials are arguing 
that Internet access has become so essential to participation in society 
— to finding jobs and housing, to civic engagement, even to health — 
that it should be seen as a right, a basic prerogative of all citizens. 
And in cases where people don’t have access, whether because they can’t 
afford it or the infrastructure is not in place, the government should 
have the power — and perhaps the duty — to fix that.

The idea is already gaining traction both overseas and in the United 
States. In 2009, Finland passed a law requiring telecom companies, as of 
next month, to make broadband available to all citizens, even in remote 
areas. UN conferences have featured discussion of an international 
“Internet Bill of Rights” that would include the right to affordable 
access; a Pew survey of attendees at the 2007 UN Internet Governance 
Forum in Rio found that a majority of the respondents supported the idea 
of such a bill. And the notion is not confined to the progressive 
spheres of Europe and the UN: In Washington, at least two of the five 
commissioners at the Federal Communications Commission, Michael Copps 
and Mignon Clyburn, have said that broadband needs to be seen as a civil 
right.

As Internet use becomes ever more widespread, advocates say, it becomes 
an indispensable venue for activities like speech and political 
participation. More and more government functions are gravitating 
online; a vast and growing segment of social and cultural life now 
unfolds on the Web. The Internet, these advocates argue, has not only 
created a new world, its prevalence has also made it a prerequisite for 
full membership in the old one.

“Increasingly you can’t find a job without it. You can’t complete your 
education, or compete with your peers without it. You can’t take 
advantage of the tools of modern medicine without it,” Copps said 
recently in an interview. “I would hope as we go along...that it does 
become enshrined as a civil right.”

But characterizing Internet access as a civil right raises a number of 
vexing questions. Who would pay to bring broadband into households 
without it? By creating a right based on technology, are we making it 
harder for citizens to make their own, equally valid decisions to opt 
out of using it? And some analysts, while supporting the goal of 
universal service, simply don’t believe that a digital network should be 
elevated to the status of a right.

Even these skeptics, however, generally agree that broadband access is 
already deeply entwined with existing civil rights. Whether the 
government must ensure access to the means of taking part, or merely 
refrain from blocking it, is another question — and one that gets to the 
heart of what a civil right in America is.

Although supporters don’t see broadband as the kind of fundamental right 
enshrined in the Constitution — the basic human freedoms that protect 
individuals from government control of their lives — society 
acknowledges other kinds of rights as well, such as the right not to be 
excluded from the essential privileges of citizenship. This is the kind 
of right enforced by the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which guaranteed 
people equal treatment and equal access to schools and public 
facilities, regardless of race. The Americans with Disabilities Act of 
1990 was similarly crafted to ensure disabled people could fully 
participate in American society.

Supporters also see a parallel in the 1934 Telecommunications Act, which 
aimed to make affordable access to telephone and radio services 
“available, so far as possible, to all the people of the United States.” 
Though it did not declare telephone access a right, the law was updated 
in 1996 to mandate that providers contribute to a “Universal Service 
Fund” which helps defray the bills of low-income residents and 
subsidizes service in low-density areas where prices would be quite high 
if left to the free market. This charge is often passed on to consumers 
in the form of an extra fee on phone bills.

Now, the same kind of attention is turning to broadband, widely seen as 
the most important new infrastructure of the 21st-century. (The emphasis 
is on broadband, rather than dial-up Internet access, because so much of 
the online world increasingly requires a higher-speed connection to 
download data and upload forms.)

“Pick an area of life and it’s affected,” says Mark Pruner, president of 
the Native American Broadband Association, an advocacy group that aims 
to bring broadband to reservations.

Pruner and other advocates can tick off a long list of basic civic 
functions for which the Internet has become vital. A large percentage of 
jobs advertise exclusively online and require that applications be 
submitted electronically. Commerce increasingly takes place online. With 
every election, Internet access grows more important to political 
engagement. And the Internet makes it easy to find the text of bills, 
learn how your representatives vote, and read about the White House’s 
plans and positions.

Even health is affected to a surprising degree. Medical institutions 
have begun to use the Internet to manage health information and let 
patients and doctors communicate more closely — an improvement in health 
care unavailable to people without ready access to the Web. 
“Telemedicine” — doctors’ appointments via the Internet — is expected to 
be the next wave in health care innovation.

Of course, most of these opportunities remain available through other 
means — by mail, by phone, in person. The Internet is an immensely 
valuable vehicle for free speech, but you can still take a bullhorn and 
air your grievances on the street corner. However, the more central the 
Internet’s advantages become to mainstream society, the more acute the 
disadvantage of lacking them. As Adam Smith wrote in “The Wealth of 
Nations,” necessity is always relative: Although a linen shirt was not 
technically a “necessary,” it had become one in the context of his 
society, because a worker would be ashamed to appear in public without one.

A substantial fraction of Americans now lack access to this modern 
necessity. In October 2009, a Department of Commerce survey found that a 
little over one-third of households did not use a broadband service. 
Sometimes this is by choice, but often it’s because of cost. In one 
survey, people told the FCC they paid an average of almost $41 per month 
for broadband, but that can vary widely; as a rule, broadband is more 
expensive in rural areas, some of which don’t have the relevant 
infrastructure at all. Usage figures correlate strongly with income, the 
Department of Commerce found: Households with family incomes above 
$50,000 overwhelmingly have broadband, but it’s far less common for 
lower-income people. The numbers also differ by race. Only about 45 
percent of African-Americans, and an even lower percentage of Hispanics, 
use broadband at home.

Given how important the online world is to so many aspects of 
21st-century life, when many observers look at Americans without 
broadband, they see a group of people who are slowly being excluded from 
society. Without it, says Benjamin Lennett, a policy analyst at the 
Wireless Futures program at the New American Foundation, “You’re simply 
not going to be able to have equal standing in society. You’re simply 
going to be left out.”

But there is a case against enshrining broadband access as a civil 
right. Civil rights and liberties, especially in America, are most often 
characterized as “negative rights” — that is, freedom from, rather than 
entitlement to. You are free to be left alone to worship as you please 
and to say what you like. Voting is a notable exception. But 
ideologically speaking, the American conception of rights, unlike that 
in the social democracies of Europe, has always been more sympathetic to 
negative rights than positive ones.

On a practical level, one obvious problem is that creating any new right 
of access requires money — either taxpayer money, or, in this case, 
extra charges levied on current telecommunications customers. Health 
care offers one analogy. Americans do not, as citizens of some countries 
do, have a legally enshrined right to health care — in part because the 
costs of such a right in our health care system could be astronomical. 
That said, the costs of universal broadband would be far more limited 
and predictable than those of health care. And the Americans with 
Disabilities Act is an example of a successful civil rights law that 
costs money to enforce, but has become broadly accepted.

More philosophically, some people argue that the category of civil 
rights is almost sacrosanct, defined by basic notions of human liberty 
and need, and broadband access simply does not rise to that level. 
Considering that Americans aren’t legally entitled to a house or a 
computer, does it make sense to mandate broadband access at home?

“To declare it as a national goal is a better way to do it than to make 
it a civil right,” says Pruner.

The government has already started trying to remedy the inequality in 
broadband access. In March, the FCC released a National Broadband Plan, 
requested by Congress in 2009, to outline ways to ensure universal 
service. Among its recommendations is to shift up to $15.5 billion over 
the next 10 years from the Universal Service Fund to support broadband. 
It also recommends another fund to promote broadband on tribal lands, 
where it is estimated that fewer than 10 percent of residents currently 
have the service. There is also an effort underway at the FCC to 
reclassify broadband as a “common carrier” regulated service rather than 
an information service. This change would grant the FCC much more 
authority over broadband providers, partly with the goal of expanding 
access. Telecom interests, and many members of Congress, strongly oppose 
the idea.

The New America Foundation, a nonpartisan think tank, has proposed that 
the government itself should be the provider of last resort in 
underserved rural areas, much as the Tennessee Valley Authority brought 
electricity to a wide swath of the country in the 1930s.

If such plans are enacted, the question of “rights” may be partly a 
matter of semantics — the practical goal of advocates is universal 
access, however that is achieved. “That is the only way to ensure a 
level playing field,” says Malkia Cyril, executive director of the 
Center for Media Justice.

But the debate itself, as it plays out, is highlighting something 
important about the Internet: More than electricity, more than the 
telephone — probably in an unprecedented way — the online world enables 
citizens to exercise their other rights, the ones enshrined in the 
Constitution. There is, increasingly, a virtual America layered on top 
of the real one, and “citizenship” means having a space in both.

-----------------
Rebecca Tuhus-Dubrow is a contributing writer for Ideas. She can be 
reached at [email protected].


-- 
================================
George Antunes, Political Science Dept
University of Houston; Houston, TX 77204
Voice: 713-743-3923  Fax: 713-743-3927
Mail: antunes at uh dot edu

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