*cackling* The grey haired humor is getting thick around here. Of course, that will be Lee's cue to remind me I've got the bushiest batch of anyone.
On Sat, Jan 31, 2009 at 5:57 PM, archytas <[email protected]> wrote: > > Nothing like a breath of old air Gruff. > > On 31 Jan, 16:45, gruff <[email protected]> wrote: > > If I may .... INTRODUCTION to "Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal" by Ayn > > Rand 1966 > > > > This book is not a treatise on economics. It is a collection of > > essays on the moral aspects of capitalism. > > > > Our approach can best be summarized by my statement in the first issue > > of The Objectivist Newsletter (January 1962): "Objectivism is a > > philosophical movement; since politics is a branch of philosophy, > > Objectivism advocates certain political principles -- specifically, > > those of laissez-faire capitalism -- as the consequence and the > > ultimate practical application of its fundamental philosophical > > principles. It does not regard politics as a separate or primary > > goal, that is: as a goal that can be achieved without a wider > > ideological context. > > > > "Politics is based on three other philosophical disciplines: > > metaphysics, epistemology and ethics -- on a theory of man's nature > > and of man's relationship, to existence. It is only on such a base > > that one can formulate a consistent political theory and achieve it in > > practice. . . . Objectivists are not 'conservatives.' We are > > radicals for capitalism; we are fighting for that philosophical base > > which capitalism did not have and without which it was doomed to > > perish." > > > > I want to stress that our primary interest is not politics or > > economics as such, but "man's nature and man's relationship to > > existence" -- and that we advocate capitalism because it is the only > > system geared to the life of a rational being. > > > > In this respect, there is a fundamental difference between our > > approach and that of capitalism's classical defenders and modern > > apologists. With very few exceptions, they are responsible -- by > > default -- for capitalism's destruction. The default consisted of > > their inability or unwillingness to fight the battle where it had to > > be fought: on moral-philosophical grounds. > > > > No politico-economic system in history has ever proved its value so > > eloquently or has benefited mankind so greatly as capitalism -- and > > none has ever been attacked so savagely, viciously, and blindly. The > > flood of misinformation, misrepresentation, distortion, and outright > > falsehood about capitalism is such that the young people of today have > > no idea (and virtually no way of discovering any idea) of its actual > > nature. While archeologists are rummaging through the ruins of > > millennia for scraps of pottery and bits of bones, from which to > > reconstruct some information about prehistorical existence -- the > > events of less than a century ago are hidden under a mound more > > impenetrable than the geological debris of winds, floods, and > > earthquakes: a mound of silence. > > > > To obliterate the truth on such a large scale, to hide an open secret > > from the world, to hide -- without any power of censorship, yet > > without any significant sound of protest -- the fact that an ideal > > social system had once been almost within men's reach, cannot be done > > by any conspiracy of evildoers; it cannot be done except with the > > tacit compliance of those who know better. > > > > By their silence -- by their evasion of the clash between capitalism > > and altruism -- it is capitalism's alleged champions who are > > responsible for the fact that capitalism is being destroyed without a > > hearing, without a trial, without any public knowledge of its > > principles, its nature, its history, or its moral meaning. It is > > being destroyed in the manner of a nightmare lynching -- as if a > > blind, despair-crazed mob were burning a straw man, not knowing that > > the grotesquely deformed bundle of straw is hiding the living body of > > the ideal. > > > > The method of capitalism's destruction rests on never letting the > > world discover what it is that is being destroyed -- on never allowing > > it to be identified within the hearing of the young. > > > > The purpose of this book is to identify it. > > > > The guilt for the present state of the world rests on the shoulders of > > those who are over forty years old today (with a very few exceptions) > > -- those who, when they spoke, said less than they knew and said it > > less clearly than the subject demanded. > > > > This book is addressed to the young -- in years or in spirit -- who > > are not afraid to know and are not ready to give up. > > > > What they have to discover, what all the efforts of capitalism's > > enemies are frantically aimed at hiding, is the fact that capitalism > > is not merely the "practical," but the only moral system in history. > > (See Atlas Shrugged.) > > > > The political aspects of Atlas Shrugged are not its theme. Its theme > > is primarily ethical-epistemological: the role of the mind in man's > > existence -- and politics, necessarily, is one of the theme's > > consequences. But the epistemological chaos of our age, fostered by > > modern philosophy, is such that many young readers find it difficult > > to translate abstractions into political principles and apply them to > > the evaluation of today's events. This present book may help them. > > It is a nonfiction footnote to Atlas Shrugged. > > > > Since every political system rests on some theory of ethics, I suggest > > to those readers who are actually interested in understanding the > > nature of capitalism, that they read first The Virtue of Selfishness, > > a collection of essays on the Objectivist ethics, which is a necessary > > foundation for this present book. Since no political discussion can > > be meaningful or intelligible without a clear understanding of two > > crucial concepts: "rights" and "government" -- yet these are the two > > most strenuously evaded in today's technique of obfuscation -- I > > suggest that you begin this book by reading (or rereading) two essays > > from that earlier collection, which you will find here reprinted in > > the appendix: "Man's Rights" and "The Nature of Government." > > > > Most of the essays in this book appeared originally in The Objectivist > > Newsletter (now, in magazine format, The Objectivist); others are > > based on lectures or papers, as indicated. Some of the essays cover, > > in brief summary, the answers to the most widely spread fallacies > > about the economics of capitalism. These essays appeared in the > > "Intellectual Ammunition Department" of The Objectivist Newsletter and > > were written in answer to questions from our readers. Those who are > > interested in studying political economy, will find, in the appendix, > > a recommended bibliography on that subject. > > > > Now a word about the contributors to this book. Robert Hessen is > > presently completing his doctorate in history at Columbia University, > > and is teaching in Columbia's Graduate School of Business. Alan > > Greenspan is president of Townsend-Greenspan & Co., Inc., economic > > consultants. Nathaniel Branden, psychological theorist and co- > > editor, with me, of The Objectivist, needs no introduction to my > > readers. > > > > -AYN RAND New York, July 1966 > > > --~--~---------~--~----~------------~-------~--~----~ You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups ""Minds Eye"" group. 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