Bush Lies, Media Swallows

By Eric Alterman, The Nation
November 11, 2002

The more things change ... Roughly ten years ago, I celebrated the
criminal indictment of Elliott Abrams for lying to Congress by writing
an Op-Ed in the New York Times on the increasing acceptance of official
deception. (I was just starting my dissertation on the topic back then.)
The piece got bogged down, however, when an editor refused to allow me
even to imply that then-President Bush was also lying to the country. I
noted that such reticence made the entire exercise feel a bit absurd. He
did not dispute this point but explained that Times policy simply would
not allow it. I asked for a compromise. I was offered the following:
"Either take it out and a million people will read you tomorrow, or
leave it in and send it around to your friends." (It was a better line
before e-mail.) Anyway, I took it out, but I think it was the last time
I've appeared on that page. 


President Bush is a liar. There, I said it, but most of the mainstream
media won't. Liberal pundits Michael Kinsley, Paul Krugman and Richard
Cohen have addressed the issue on the Op-Ed pages, but almost all news
pages and network broadcasts pretend not to notice. In the one
significant effort by a national daily to deal with Bush's consistent
pattern of mendacity, the Washington Post's Dana Milbank could not bring
himself (or was not allowed) to utter the crucial words. Instead,
readers were treated to such complicated linguistic circumlocutions as:
Bush's statements represented "embroidering key assertions" and were
clearly "dubious, if not wrong." The President's "rhetoric has taken
some flights of fancy," he has "taken some liberties," "omitted
qualifiers" and "simply outpace[d] the facts." But "Bush lied"? Never. 


Ben Bradlee explains, "Even the very best newspapers have never learned
how to handle public figures who lie with a straight face. No editor
would dare print this version of Nixon's first comments on Watergate for
instance. 'The Watergate break-in involved matters of national security,
President Nixon told a national TV audience last night, and for that
reason he would be unable to comment on the bizarre burglary. That is a
lie.'" 


Part of the reason is deference to the office and the belief that the
American public will not accept a mere reporter calling the President a
liar. Part of the reason is the culture of Washington -- where it is
somehow worse to call a person a liar in public than to be one. A final
reason is political. Some reporters are just political activists with
columns who prefer useful lies to the truth. For instance, Robert Novak
once told me that he "admired" Elliott Abrams for lying to him in a
television interview about illegal U.S. acts of war against Nicaragua
because he agreed with the cause. 


Let us note, moreover, that Bradlee's observation, offered in 1997, did
not apply to President Clinton. Reporters were positively eager to call
Clinton a liar, although his lies were about private matters about which
many of us, including many reporters, lie all the time. "I'd like to be
able to tell my children, 'You should tell the truth,'" Stuart Taylor
Jr. of the National Journal said on Meet the Press. "I'd like to be able
to tell them, 'You should respect the President.' And I'd like to be
able to tell them both things at the same time." David Gergen, who had
worked for both Ronald Reagan and Richard Nixon as well as Clinton and
therefore could not claim to be a stranger to official dishonesty,
decried what he termed "the deep and searing violation [that] took place
when he not only lied to the country, but co-opted his friends and lied
to them." Chris Matthews kvetched, "Clinton lies knowing that you know
he's lying. It's brutal and it subjugates the person who's being lied
to. I resent deeply being constantly lied to." George Will, a frequent
apologist for the lies of Reagan and now Bush, went so far as to insist
that Clinton's "calculated, sustained lying has involved an
extraordinarily corrupting assault on language, which is the uniquely
human capacity that makes persuasion, and hence popular government,
possible." 


George W. Bush does not lie about sex, I suppose -- merely about war and
peace. Most particularly he has consistently lied about Iraq's nuclear
capabilities as well as its missile-delivery capabilities. Take a look
at Milbank's gingerly worded page-one October 22 Washington Post story
if you doubt me. To cite just two particularly egregious examples, Bush
tried to frighten Americans by claiming that Iraq possesses a fleet of
unmanned aircraft that could be used "for missions targeting the United
States." Previously he insisted that a report by the International
Atomic Energy Agency revealed the Iraqis to be "six months away from
developing a weapon." Both of these statements are false, but they are
working. Nearly three-quarters of Americans surveyed think that Saddam
is currently helping Al Qaeda; 71 percent think it is likely he was
personally involved in the 9/11 attacks. 


What I want to know is why this kind of lying is apparently OK. Isn't it
worse to refer "repeatedly to intelligence ... that remains largely
unverified" -- as the Wall Street Journal puts it -- in order to trick
the nation into war, as Bush and other top US officials have done, than
to lie about a blowjob? Isn't it worse to put "pressure ... on the
intelligence agencies to deliberately slant estimates," as USA Today
worded its report? Isn't it more damaging to offer "cooked information,"
in the words of the CIA's former chief of counterterrorism, when you are
asking young men and women to die for your lies? Don't we revile Lyndon
Johnson for having done just that with his dishonest Gulf of Tonkin
resolution? 


Here's Bradlee again: "Just think for a minute how history might have
changed if Americans had known then that their leaders felt the war was
going to hell in a handbasket. In the next seven years, thousands of
American lives and more thousands of Asian lives would have been saved.
The country might never have lost faith in its leaders." 


Reporters and editors who "protect" their readers and viewers from the
truth about Bush's lies are doing the nation -- and ultimately George W.
Bush -- no favors. Take a look at the names at that long black wall on
the Mall. Consider the tragic legacy of LBJ's failed presidency. Ask
yourself just who is being served when the media allow Bush to lie,
repeatedly, with impunity, in order to take the nation into war. 


Eric Alterman writes The Nation's "Stop The Presses" column.
http://www.alternet.org/story.html?StoryID=14518


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