http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/mar/07/israel-palestine-eu-report-jerusalem
http://pakalert.wordpress.com/2009/03/09/israel-annexing-east-jerusalem-says-eu/
Israel annexing East Jerusalem, says EU
Plan to demolish Masjid ul Aqsa now gets into high gear, Muslims Qibla Awwal is 
under direct threat of destruction now!

• Confidential report attacks 'illegal' house demolitions 
• Government accused of damaging peace prospects

a.. Rory McCarthy in Jerusalem 
a.. The Guardian, Saturday 7 March 2009 A confidential EU report accuses the 
Israeli government of using settlement expansion, house demolitions, 
discriminatory housing policies and the West Bank barrier as a way of "actively 
pursuing the illegal annexation" of East Jerusalem.

The document says Israel has accelerated its plans for East Jerusalem, and is 
undermining the Palestinian Authority's credibility and weakening support for 
peace talks. "Israel's actions in and around Jerusalem constitute one of the 
most acute challenges to Israeli-Palestinian peace-making," says the document, 
EU Heads of Mission Report on East Jerusalem. 
The report, obtained by the Guardian, is dated 15 December 2008. It 
acknowledges Israel's legitimate security concerns in Jerusalem, but adds: 
"Many of its current illegal actions in and around the city have limited 
security justifications."

"Israeli 'facts on the ground' - including new settlements, construction of the 
barrier, discriminatory housing policies, house demolitions, restrictive permit 
regime and continued closure of Palestinian institutions - increase Jewish 
Israeli presence in East Jerusalem, weaken the Palestinian community in the 
city, impede Palestinian urban development and separate East Jerusalem from the 
rest of the West Bank," the report says.

The document has emerged at a time of mounting concern over Israeli policies in 
East Jerusalem. Two houses were demolished on Monday just before the arrival of 
the US secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, and a further 88 are scheduled for 
demolition, all for lack of permits. Clinton described the demolitions as 
"unhelpful", noting that they violated Israel's obligations under the US "road 
map" for peace.

The EU report goes further, saying that the demolitions are "illegal under 
international law, serve no obvious purpose, have severe humanitarian effects, 
and fuel bitterness and extremism." The EU raised its concern in a formal 
diplomatic representation on December 1, it says.

It notes that although Palestinians in the east represent 34% of the city's 
residents, only 5%-10% of the municipal budget is spent in their areas, leaving 
them with poor services and infrastructure.

Israel issues fewer than 200 permits a year for Palestinian homes and leaves 
only 12% of East Jerusalem available for Palestinian residential use. As a 
result many homes are built without Israeli permits. About 400 houses have been 
demolished since 2004 and a further 1,000 demolition orders have yet to be 
carried out, it said.

City officials dismissed criticisms of its housing policy as "a disinformation 
campaign". "Mayor Nir Barkat continues to promote investments in 
infrastructure, construction and education in East Jerusalem, while at the same 
time upholding the law throughout West and East Jerusalem equally without 
bias," the mayor's office said after Clinton's visit.

However, the EU says the fourth Geneva convention prevents an occupying power 
extending its jurisdiction to occupied territory. Israel occupied the east of 
the city in the 1967 six day war and later annexed it. The Palestinians claim 
East Jerusalem as the capital of their future state.

The EU says settlement are being built in the east of the city at a "rapid 
pace". Since the Annapolis peace talks began in late 2007, nearly 5,500 new 
settlement housing units have been submitted for public review, with 3,000 so 
far approved, the report says. There are now about 470,000 settlers in the 
occupied territories, including 190,000 in East Jerusalem.

The EU is particularly concerned about settlements inside the Old City, where 
there were plans to build a Jewish settlement of 35 housing units in the Muslim 
quarter, as well as expansion plans for Silwan, just outside the Old City walls.

The goal, it says, is to "create territorial contiguity" between East Jerusalem 
settlements and the Old City and to "sever" East Jerusalem and its settlement 
blocks from the West Bank.

There are plans for 3,500 housing units, an industrial park, two police 
stations and other infrastructure in a controversial area known as E1, between 
East Jerusalem and the West Bank settlement of Ma'ale Adumim, home to 31,000 
settlers. Israeli measures in E1 were "one of the most significant challenges 
to the Israeli-Palestinian peace process", the report says.

Mark Regev, spokesman for the Israeli prime minister, Ehud Olmert, said 
conditions for Palestinians living in East Jerusalem were better than in the 
West Bank. "East Jerusalem residents are under Israeli law and they were 
offered full Israeli citizenship after that law was passed in 1967," he said. 
"We are committed to the continued development of the city for the benefit of 
all its population."



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------



http://www.palestinechronicle.com/view_article_details.php?id=14914

03/16/2009

The End of Israel's Impunity?

By Muhammad Idrees Ahmad

The assault on Gaza marks the end of an era for Israel. For the second time in 
two years its colonial ambition has floundered in the face of determined 
resistance. It may persist for some time; but the trajectory is clear – it is 
losing both legitimacy and power. Support for it is dwindling in Washington; 
its friends are alarmed. Citizens are acting where governments have failed; the 
movement for boycott, divestment and sanctions is snowballing. Apologists are 
finding it more difficult to justify its persistent criminality. Rifts have 
emerged in the transatlantic alliance over its recent actions; EU leaders have 
broken with Israel and the US, questioning the wisdom of continuing to isolate 
Hamas. Even the pliant Tony Blair will no longer toe the line.

This leviathan may yet be tamed, accountability restored; but what part, if 
any, will International law have played in this?

At one point in Errol Morris’s 2004 documentary Fog of War, former US Secretary 
of Defence Robert McNamara recounts a conversation he had had with General 
Curtis Lemay of the USAF apropos the fire bombing of Japanese cities. LeMay, 
according to McNamara, said that if the US ended up losing the war “we would be 
hanged for this”. As it transpired, the US did not lose; and far from being 
hanged, the allied command got to play hangman. (1) The trials that led to the 
execution of German and Japanese high command assumed a broader significance; 
they became the founding documents of international law. The conclusions from 
these trials served as the basis for the Genocide Convention (1948), the 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), the Nuremberg Principles (1950), 
The Convention on the Abolition of the Statute of Limitations on War Crimes and 
Crimes against Humanity (1968), the Geneva Convention on the Laws and Customs 
of War (1949), its supplementary protocols (1977), and the International 
Criminal Court (2002).

As Kirsten Sellars details in her book The Rise and Rise of Human Rights, the 
Nuremberg trials and the subsequent Tokyo trials which would later provide the 
basis for international law were not themselves free of controversy. At the end 
of the war, Western powers saw Germany and Japan as potential allies in the 
looming conflict against the Soviet Union. However, the passions that had been 
mobilized against the Axis powers demanded blood sacrifice before Japan and 
Germany could be laundered back into the Free World. It was to satisfy this 
purpose that the tribunals were reluctantly instituted. While Justice Robert 
Jackson’s eloquent pronouncements on the rule of law in international affairs 
have become de rigueur in discourses on the subject, his contemporaries took a 
less generous view. US chief justice Harlan Stone called the whole Nuremberg 
exercise a “sanctimonious…fraud” accusing Jackson of conducting a “high-grade 
lynching party”. Justice William Douglas of the US Supreme Court accused the 
allies of “substituting power for principle” and creating laws “ex post facto 
to suit the passion and clamour of the time”. In his famous dissent at the 
Tokyo trials, Indian Justice Radhabinod Pal indicted the tribunal for its 
exclusion of European colonialism and the American use of the atomic bomb. The 
trial, he argued, was nothing more than an “opportunity for the victors to 
retaliate”. Antiwar US senator Robert Taft called it “victors’ justice”.

Power asymmetry has defined the application of International Law since. Gaza is 
a case in point.

Jus ad Bellum

Israel and its apologists have sought to justify its military assault on Gaza 
as an act of “self-defence” against Hamas rockets invoking Article 51 of the 
United Nations Charter. (2) So pervasive was this view that even putatively 
antiwar voices frequently worked the word “disproportionate” into their 
denunciations. Israel, according to this view, has a right to defend itself but 
used more force than was necessary. However, this argument relies on the 
inversion of cause and effect and a defective legal premise.

Israel’s assault was not meant to protect its citizens against the Hamas 
rockets, it was to protect its colonial project and the right to continue the 
strangulation of Gaza. Israel broke the truce on 4th November 2008 when under 
the cover of the US elections it launched an attack inside Gaza killing six 
Palestinians. The attack, writes Middle East scholar Sara Roy, was “no doubt 
designed finally to undermine the truce”, (3) as even according to Israel’s own 
intelligence agencies Hamas had implemented the ceasefire with remarkable 
effectiveness. Though Hamas retaliated with rockets, it still offered to renew 
the truce provided Israel ended the siege. Israel refused. (4)

Between the evacuation of its settlements from Gaza in 2005 and the beginning 
of its latest assault, Israel had killed a total of 1,250 Palestinians, 
including 222 children, and maimed many more. This despite Hamas’s 18 month 
unilateral ceasefire to which it strictly adhered. The situation was so dismal 
before the siege that the late Israeli historian and author Tanya Reinhart 
described it as “a process of slow and steady genocide”. (5) Sara Roy saw in it 
a deliberate process of what she calls “de-development”. The siege, in her 
view, had two objectives: to reduce the Palestinian issue to a humanitarian 
problem; and to “foist Gaza onto Egypt”. Israel’s economic stranglehold over 
the territory, she said, was leading to the “breakdown of an entire society”. 
(6)

The UN human rights rapporteur John Dugard, a South African legal scholar, has 
compared the situation in the Occupied Territories to Apartheid. His successor 
Richard Falk, an American Jew and a leading authority on International law, 
called the situation a “prelude to genocide”. Gaza, he said, was “slouching 
towards a holocaust” insofar as the situation expressed vividly “a deliberate 
intention on the part of Israel and its allies to subject an entire human 
community to life-endangering conditions of utmost cruelty”. Falk accused 
Israel of bringing Gaza to the “brink of collective starvation”, imposing “a 
sub-human existence” on a people “repeatedly and systematically” victimized. 
Poignantly, he added:

  “To persist with such an approach under present circumstances is indeed 
genocidal, and risks destroying an entire Palestinian community that is an 
integral part of an ethnic whole. It is this prospect that makes appropriate 
the warning of a Palestinian holocaust in the making, and should remind the 
world of the famous post-Nazi pledge of ‘never again’.”(7)

On 5th November, Israel sealed all entries and exits to Gaza and intensified 
the stranglehold.

For Gaza – a region whose unemployment rate is 49.1 percent, where the majority 
relies on food aid (from the World Food Program and UNRWA, the latter alone 
feeding about 750,000 Gazans), and 50 percent of whose population comprises 
children – the consequences were devastating. Roy reports that according to 
Oxfam, an average of 4.6 trucks per day entered Gaza in November 2008 as 
compared to 564 trucks a day in December 2005. There were three days where 
20,000 went without food and on 18 December UNRWA had to suspend food 
distribution altogether. On top of that, the WFP had to pay more than $300,000 
to Israeli businesses in November and December for storage of the food being 
withheld from Gaza. Thirty out of Gaza’s forty-seven commercial bakeries had to 
close for the lack of cooking gas; by April there will be no poultry on which 
70 per cent of Gazans rely for their protein. UNRWA’s cash assistance to the 
most needy had to be suspended. The embargo on paper, ink and glue needed for 
the production of textbooks would affect 200,000 students. (8)

Gaza faces regular shortages of diesel, petrol and cooking gas. On 13th 
November, Gaza’s only power station suspended operations because it ran out of 
industrial diesel. Spare parts for the power station were auctioned by Israel 
after being held in customs for eight months. Gaza’s hospitals have had to rely 
on diesel and gas smuggled from Egypt via the tunnels. In an attempt to 
undermine Hamas, Israel’s surrogates in the Palestinian Authority (PA) withheld 
World Bank funds from Gaza’s Coastal Municipalities Water Utility (CMWU) to pay 
for fuel to run Gaza’s sewage system. Israel has allowed in only 18 of the 200 
tons of chlorine requested by CMWU for water purification. While medical 
supplies in Gaza have been running dangerously low, the collaborationist PA has 
been turning supply shipments away rather then send them to Gaza. (9)

It was within this context that on 19th December Hamas officially ended its 
truce.

All of this is significant, as in ’67 Israel used Nasser’s blockade of the Gulf 
of Tiran as the casus belli for its pre-emptive attacks on Egypt, Syria and 
Jordan – the fateful war where it captured the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Unlike 
Gaza, however, Israel faced no shortages of food, fuel or medicine – indeed, 
trade continued unimpeded all across its main air- and sea ports (all of which 
are located on the Mediterranean coast). Yet, in spite of the facts, ’67 has 
entered mainstream discourse as a legitimate case of pre-emptive self-defence 
under Article 51 of the Geneva Conventions. The precedent was even invoked by 
Colin Powell when on February 5, 2003 he made his case for invading Iraq at the 
UN Security Council. If Israel was within its rights to launch a pre-emptive 
war in ‘67 – a highly tendentious proposition – then the Palestinians most 
definitely had a similar right. It is not only enshrined in the Fourth Geneva 
Convention, it is also accorded them by virtue of Israel’s denial of basic 
necessities.

But what of International law?

The use of force is an act of last resort under international law subject to 
the customary rules of proportionality and necessity. As a signatory to the 
Geneva Conventions, Israel has a right to defend itself against attacks; but it 
has no right to do so by force. In order to use force, it will have to show 
that other options were not available. This was clearly not the case. It had 
the option to end its occupation, withdraw from Palestinian land, and accept 
the international consensus on the two-state solution. It also had more 
immediate options: it could have agreed to renew the truce and end the 
crippling siege of Gaza. The Hamas government had made three separate peace 
offers over a period of two years through veteran Israeli peace activist 
Gershon Baskin, including one a mere two weeks before the assault. Relayed 
through a family member of Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert all of these 
overtures were rebuffed. (10) In spurning this opportunity Israel had forfeited 
any claims to self-defence. Had Hamas attacked after Israel had tried all these 
options, writes political scientist Jerome Slater, “then–and only then–would it 
have a true ‘right of self defense’”. It is also the only condition under which 
the question of proportionality would arise.

The rocket attacks had not killed a single individual before Israel began its 
assault; had they done so, they would still not entitle Israel to kill 1,300 
Palestinians, mostly civilians, injure 5,000 and destroy schools, mosques, 
homes, UN compounds and government buildings. As the occupying power Israel has 
no rights under the Fourth Geneva Convention, it has only obligations – 
including a responsibility to protect Palestinian civilians and infrastructure. 
And as the occupied the Palestinians have a right to resist Israel’s 
oppression. Writes Slater: “An oppressor is not engaged in ‘self defense’ when 
it uses force in order to annihilate resistance to its repression, and that 
holds true even if the form of resistance–attacks intended to kill civilians–is 
itself morally wrong”. The fact is lost on no one, except perhaps the BBC and 
CNN, that Israel’s occupation predates both the rockets and Hamas. “Israel’s 
actions amount to aggression, not self-defence,” wrote distinguished lawyers 
and legal scholars in an 11th January 2009 letter to the Sunday Times, “not 
least because its assault on Gaza was unnecessary”. They added:

  “As things stand, its invasion and bombardment of Gaza amounts to collective 
punishment of Gaza’s 1.5m inhabitants contrary to international humanitarian 
and human rights law. In addition, the blockade of humanitarian relief, the 
destruction of civilian infrastructure, and preventing access to basic 
necessities such as food and fuel, are prima facie war crimes.”

That the Palestinians also have a right to self-defence is not an issue the UN 
Security Council would even allow anyone to raise. Instead, there are feeble 
pleas for ‘restraint’. In lieu of an investigation, in the initial phase of the 
massacre some UN officials dignified the Israeli claim that a mere 25 percent 
of the Palestinian casualties were civilians (in fact the majority were police 
trainees killed at their graduation). The notoriously undemocratic executive 
arm of the UN continued to treat the assault as a ‘war’, even though Gaza is 
recognized as an Occupied Territory, according Israel the right to ‘defend 
itself’ itself, albeit ‘proportionately’. In reserving their condemnation 
exclusively for the targeting of ‘women and children’, the UN was also 
declaring Gaza’s male population fair game. Despite the verdict of 
international law experts that Israel’s murder spree in Gaza constitutes war 
crimes and crimes against humanity, writes Omar Barghouti,

  “this UN discourse not only reduces close to half a million Palestinian men 
in that wretched, tormented and occupied coastal strip to “militants,” radical 
“fighters,” or whatever other nouns in currency nowadays in the astoundingly, 
but characteristically, biased western media coverage…it also treats them as 
already condemned criminals that deserve the capital punishment Israel has 
meted out on them.” (The Electronic Intifada, 1 January 2009)

Jus in Bello

Israel made no bones about its attacks on civilian targets: one army 
spokeswoman declared that “[a]nything affiliated with Hamas is a legitimate 
target”; another added that “we are trying to hit the whole spectrum, because 
everything is connected and everything supports terrorism against Israel”. The 
government which had only a year earlier rejected the results of an election 
which had seen Hamas take the majority of the vote, was suddenly willing to 
acknowledge the party’s popularity so it could hold it against the whole 
population of Gaza as evidence of their support for “terrorism against Israel”. 
(11) As the democratically elected government of the Palestinian people all of 
Gaza’s civilian infrastructure was thus “affiliated” with Hamas and hence a 
legitimate target. In the very first hour of its assault Israel bombed the 
Palestinian Legislative Council, the Ministries of Education and Justice, the 
Islamic University of Gaza, mosques, ambulances and many homes. Palestinian 
civilian infrastructure was subjected as a whole to Israeli terror. By the end, 
Israel had destroyed 4,700 homes completely or partially, leaving tens of 
thousands of people homeless.

Sara Roy implored the world in the name of International law – and “human 
decency” – to protect the people of Gaza. Perhaps the appeal to human decency 
is a tacit acknowledgment of the irrelevance of international law where it 
doesn’t align with the interests of major powers. As Conor Gearty notes, the 
assault on Gaza “has laid bare the relative impotence of international law in 
the face of determined sovereign action”. (12) Like Roy and Gearty, Falk also 
places little faith in International law for redress. It would be unrealistic, 
he writes, “to expect the UN to do anything in the face of this crisis, given 
the pattern of US support for Israel and taking into account the extent to 
which European governments have lent their weight to recent illicit efforts to 
crush Hamas as a Palestinian political force”. (13)

The impotence of the mechanisms for enforcing International law was exposed in 
Israel’s refusal to heed the UN’s calls for a ceasefire. Israel blithely 
ignored the UN Security Council’s call on 8th January 2009 for “an immediate, 
durable and fully respected ceasefire”. Likewise, it ignored the strong 
statement by High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, the next day 
about the applicability of international human rights law “in all circumstances 
and at all times”. Pillay stressed that the violations of these laws “may 
constitute war crimes for which individual criminal responsibility may be 
invoked”. She urged the UN’s Human Rights Council to “consider authorizing a 
mission to assess violations” in order to establish “the relevant facts and 
ensure accountability”. The Council in its resolution said that it “strongly 
condemns the ongoing military operation” for its “massive violations of human 
rights of Palestinian people and systematic destruction of the Palestinian 
infrastructure”; it was particularly outraged at the Israel’s “targeting” of UN 
facilities. At the conclusion of the assault, Ban Ki Moon, the UN Secretary 
General himself, visited Gaza. He said he was “appalled” by the destruction, 
which he found “outrageous and totally unacceptable” and called for the 
perpetrators to be “punished”.14 The UN has called for the attack to be 
investigated as a war crime.

Writes Gearty:

  “The anger evident in all this UN activity, and in particular the passion 
evident in the High Commissioner’s choice of words, is founded upon the 
blatancy of the disregard of the law that has been evident in Gaza.” (The 
Tablet, January 2009)

In a highly unusual move, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) 
broke with convention to condemn the Israeli military for breaching 
international humanitarian law when it refused access for four days to a 
Zeitoun neighbourhood where four small children were later found starving among 
twelve corpses, including those of their mothers. The incident also occasioned 
one of the most extraordinary moments in the history of British journalism when 
Alex Thomson of Channel 4 subjected the Israeli spokesperson Mark Regev to an 
unrelenting interrogation ending with the plea, “In the name of humanity what 
is Israel doing?” (15)

While Israel may have taken a hit in terms of its image – already the worst 
brand in the world, according to a 2006 poll (16) – a wave of boycotts sweeping 
Europe also adds economic pressure. “But in the absence of any kind of 
enforcement mechanism,” writes Gearty, “the legal effect of all this 
international noise has been for all practical purposes zero”. Absent an 
international adjudicative body to which Israel is required to defer, he 
writes, the worse Israel has to fear is five minutes of interrogation on the 
media, which is itself a rare occurrence. Israel’s claim to self-defence “might 
not be able to survive a few hours in a court of law”, Gearty avers, but with a 
mostly pliant media already humming with a chorus of friendly ‘academic 
terrorism experts’ and ‘defence analysts’ Israel is all but immune from 
accountability. (17)

It was Israel’s ’67 pre-emptive attacks on neighbouring Arab states and 
Reagan’s March 1986 bombing of Libya – both invoking Article 51 of the UN 
charter – that demonstrated that unilateral action was possible without 
eliciting any legal repercussions. The US refusal to join the International 
Criminal Court, and Israel’s repeated rejection of its jurisdiction, is 
transforming the whole concept of international law is revealed so far to be a 
farce. The only people brought to trial in the Hague have all belonged to 
countries either on the short end of the unipolar world’s stick, or to 
countries in which major powers have no vested interests. The irony of the US 
supporting the ICC’s prosecution of Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir while 
itself refusing to ratify its charter is lost on few in the outside world. 
Under these circumstances, warnings about criminal responsibility are seen as 
little more than empty threats. International law has hitherto served no 
purpose other than to lull the aggrieved into believing that verbal indictments 
are somehow a substitute for justice.

The End of Impunity?

Concerns about prosecutions at the Hague led the Bush administration to repeal 
the US signature from the treaty enabling the ICC and in 2002 to pass the 
American Service Members Protection Act (ASMPA), more commonly known as the 
Invasion of The Hague Act which permits the United States to unilaterally 
invade the Netherlands to liberate any military personnel and other elected and 
appointed officials held for war crimes. The US also pressured weaker states 
around the world to sign ‘bilateral immunity’ policies that require them to 
sign a waiver stating that they will contravene the ICC in the case of 
Americans being arrested. Those who do not comply risk losing US military 
assistance: Kenya and Trinidad-Tobago, for example, learned this the hard way. 
According to the Observer, ICC prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo is already 
pursuing seriously the legal instruments that would allow him to put Israelis 
on trial for war crimes. (18) Fear of prosecution has already caused the 
Israeli government to launch an international campaign to defend its legal 
position while and at the same time redacting names written reports and masking 
photographs of military personnel involved. Director of the Israel Law Center, 
Nitsana Darshan-Leitner, has opted for bluster, urging the Knesset to legislate 
a law prohibiting cooperation with any war crimes tribunal and to pass an 
ASMPA-style Invasion of the Hague law. “Foreign countries should be made to 
understand we mean business”, she added.

Obstacles remain, however, and precedents of the actual implementation of 
international law demand one to attenuate expectations. It is this recognition 
that has led some to consider using the universal jurisdiction laws enshrined 
in the legal codes of several European countries to bring US and Israeli war 
criminals to the dock. Several Israelis have already had close brushes with the 
law in Europe. In 2001 prosecutors in Belgium filed a war crimes indictment 
against Ariel Sharon and Gen Amos Yaron for their responsibility in the 
massacre of Palestinians in Lebanon. The case was later dismissed by an appeals 
court on a technicality. On 10th September 2005, Israeli general Doron Almog 
escaped arrest on arrival in London only through a last minute warning from 
someone at the foreign office (one senior foreign office official Kim Howells 
is a former chairman of the Israel Lobby organization Labour Friends of 
Israel). Had he disembarked, he would have faced arrest for violations of the 
Geneva Convention in carrying out house demolitions in Gaza.

Using the same laws that led to the 1998 arrest of the former Chilean dictator 
Augusto Pinochet, Spanish judge Fernando Andreu has launched an investigation 
of Israeli officials over a 2002 bombing where a one-ton bomb dropped on a 
densely populated Gaza neighbourhood had killed fifteen, including nine 
children. Those charged include former defense minister, Binyamin Ben-Eliezer; 
former chief-of-staff, Moshe Ya’alon; former airforce chief, Dan Halutz; head 
of Southern command, Doron Almog; head of National Security Council, Giora 
Eiland; the defense minister’s military secretary, Mike Herzog; and head of 
Shin Bet, Avi Dichter. The Israel lobby flexed its muscle, and foreign minister 
Tzipi Livni was soon claiming that she had been assured by her Spanish 
counterpart, Miguel Moratinos, that his government would amend its laws to 
diminish the possibility of investigating torture and war crimes committed 
outside Spain. This however was immediately contradicted by Deputy Prime 
Minister Mar?a Teresa Fern?ndez de la Vega who stated defiantly that “Spain is 
a country ruled by law” whose justice system enjoys “absolute independence”; 
this fact was “made clear to Israel and we are sure they understand this”. (19)

The ground is also shrinking around leading US war criminals. Henry Kissinger 
already can’t set foot in many European countries without risking arrest. 
Rumsfeld likewise had to be spirited out of Paris a few years back in order to 
save him the embarrassment of being served a French subpoena. Recently the 
renowned prosecutor Vincent Bugliosi has shown how criminal law can be used to 
prosecute George W. Bush for murder in any of the districts where a soldier has 
been killed as a result of a war sold on lies. (20) Until international law 
evolves a mechanism for enforcement that does not allow any state exemption 
from its purview, the potential of domestic laws to keep war criminals on their 
toes if not behind bars will remain indispensable.

In the wake of the 11th September 2001 attacks, Cheney and the cabal of 
neoconservatives around him had gone about dismantling the international legal 
framework which had been developed across several presidencies as a result of a 
growing preference for hegemony by consent rather than coercion. Given the 
extreme unpopularity of the last regime, Obama feels compelled pragmatically to 
distance himself from its legacy. The appointments of George Mitchell as Middle 
East envoy had already occasioned tension between the Obama administration and 
the Israel lobby; the humiliating climbdown over the appointment of Charles 
Freeman as the director of the National Intelligence Council under lobby 
pressure has only brought renewed pressure for a change of course from an 
emerging alliance between progressives and establishment realists. The growing 
unease over the ascension of Benjamin Netanyahu and Avigdor Lieberman to power 
in Israel is only likely to exacerbate matters. Gestures towards Syria and Iran 
have caused alarm among Israel-firsters in Washington. While many rightly 
criticized Obama for his silence in the face of the Israeli slaughter, the 
standard reflex of a US politician would have been to come out unconditionally 
in support of the attacks.

In a remarkable departure from her earlier stance where she opposed the 
impeachment of Bush administration officials, the house majority leader, Nancy 
Pelosi, has recently declared that “no one is above the law”. (21) Maybe she 
only wants to one-up Senator Patrick Leahy who has proposed a Truth and 
Reconciliation Commission. But for the first time talk of prosecutions has 
entered mainstream discourse. What was dismissed as unthinkable only months ago 
appears now almost attainable. Since Pelosi controls the assignment of hearings 
to relevant committees in the Congress, writes the veteran journalist Alexander 
Cockburn,

  “this means that she could give the green light to House Justice Committee 
chairman John Conyers to organize hearings. Equipped with a capable director 
and subpoena power - that is, the ability to compel testimony and documents 
under the threat of criminal sanction.” (22)

Pelosi may or may not be serious but for the left there is a rich opportunity 
in all this, writes Cockburn. “Obama’s pledges in the campaign to run a lawful 
government were very explicit”. He clearly seeks a break with the image if not 
necessarily the policies of the Bush administration. The closing of Guantanamo 
and the categorical ban on torture is part of this new trajectory (even though 
unlawful detention and subcontracted torture would likely continue). This 
attempt to re-engage with the world will not be effective until Obama affirms 
US commitment to international law, including a resigning of the ICC charter. 
This would also have the effect of empowering the UN rapporteurs, special 
representatives, tribunals and so on, Gearty argues:

  “Since its application would be general, Obama could do all this without any 
mention of Israel, leaving the consequences to be worked through by various 
bureaucracies…Were pressure from the lobbies to reach dangerous levels, the 
president might choose to take the issue to the American people, to discuss 
openly whether Israel should have an exemption from the system of values to 
which…the US itself will by then have signed up.” (23)

While this is no doubt a scenario that the Israel lobby would want to avoid, 
Gearty’s otherwise original and practical proposal overlooks the fact that the 
Israel lobby has long exploited an existing US disposition for unilateralism to 
generate hostility towards the UN. The UN is undermined in general so it won’t 
have any legitimacy when it comes to the particular demands of making Israel 
abide by its resolutions. The bulk of US vetoes in the Security Council have 
been cast in support of Israel. Likewise, the precedent of appealing directly 
to the public has also failed to gain any cover for the last two presidents who 
tried it. Both Gerald Ford and George Bush (Snr.) ended up as one-term 
presidents: the former balked after receiving a letter signed by the majority 
of the Senate; the latter suffered a major electoral loss for which the Israel 
lobby claimed credit. (24) However, Obama is in a unique position: he has the 
tide of history with him. He is also more susceptible to public pressure. The 
Israel lobby is on the backfoot. There has never been a time more propitious 
for groundbreaking change. Gaza was the catalyst. It is time demands were made 
of Obama to restore faith in international humanitarian law. Until then, 
Europe’s universal jurisdiction laws should suffice to keep the war criminals 
on their toes.

- Muhammad Idrees Ahmad is a member of Spinwatch.org, and the co-founder of 
Pulsemedia.org. He contributed this article to PalestineChronicle.com. Contact 
him at: [email protected]. (A version of this article first appeared in 
Variant magazine.) 

Notes:

(1) Since the allies had carried out more bombings of civilians than the axis 
powers, the American prosecutor Telford Taylor got around the problem by 
declaring that “the air bombardment of cities and factories has become a 
recognized part of modern warfare”, hence a part of “customary law”; and since 
the fourth Hague convention of 1907, which forbade bombing of civilians, had no 
been applied during WWII it had lost its validity (see Sven Linqvist, A History 
of Bombing, Granta, 2000, n.239)
(2) Zionist propagandist Paul Berman who in his book Terror and Liberalism 
ridiculed the notion that Israeli occupation might be the cause of Palestinian 
resentment had to resort to hyperbole in order to justify Israel’s killing of 
more than 400 children in Gaza. Israel, he told the American Jewish Committee’s 
webzine Z Word, did it to prevent ‘genocide’.
(3) Sara Roy, “If Gaza Falls”, London Review of Books, 1 January 2009
(4) Henry Siegman, “Israel’s Lies”, London Review of Books, 29 January 2009
(5) Jon Elmer, “Slow Genocide: Tanya Reinhart interview”, 
FromOccupiedPalestine.org, 10 September 2003
(6) Roy, op. cit.
(7) Richard Falk, “Slouching toward a Palestinian holocaust”, The Transnational 
Foundation for Peace and Future Research, 29 June 2007
(8) Roy, op. cit.
(9) Ibid.
(10) See Peter Beaumont, “Israel PM’s family link to Hamas peace bid”, The 
Observer, 1 March 2009
(11) Cited in John Mearsheimer, “Another war, another defeat”, The American 
Conservative, 26 January 2009
(12) Conor Gearty, “Sovereign wrongs and human rights”, The Tablet, January 2009
(13) Falk, op.cit.
(14) Robert Fisk, “So, I asked the UN secretary general, isn’t it time for a 
war crimes tribunal?”, The Independent, 19 January 2009
(15) Channel 4 News, 8 January 2008. Video of exchange available here.
(16) “Survey:Israel worst brand name in the world”, Israel Today, 22 November 
2006
(17) For example, the BBC gave platform to the very dubious Col. Richard Kemp 
to make pronouncements such as “I don’t think there has ever been a time in the 
history of warfare when any army has made more efforts to reduce civilian 
casualties and deaths of innocent people than the IDF is doing today in Gaza” 
(can be seen here). Over in the US, Anthony Cordesman, a military analyst for 
the Center for Strategic and International Studies, earned his junket to Israel 
by declaring that it fought a “clean war” (“The ‘Gaza War’”, CSIS, 2 February 
2009). For a debunking of Cordesman, see Norman Finkelstein, ‘War Whore: A Camp 
Follower Who Aims to Please’, Pulsemedia.org, 19 February 2009
(18) Peter Beaumont, The Observer, 2nd March 2009
(19) JPost.com Staff, “‘Spain won’t annul judge’s decision’”, Jerusalem Post, 1 
February 2009
(20) For a succinct summation of Bugliosi’s case, see his interview with 
Pulsemedia.org, 27 February 2009
(21) “One-on-one with Nancy Pelosi”, Rachel Maddow Show, MSNBC, 25 February 2009
(22) Alexander Cockburn, Counterpunch.org, 27 February 2009
(23) Conor Gearty, London Review of Books, 15 January 2009
(24) Philip Weiss, ‘Did the First President Bush Lose His Job to the Israel 
Lobby?’, New York Observer, 17 July 2009



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


http://informationclearinghouse.info/article22208.htm

      CIA Report: Israel Will Fall In 20 Years 

      March 13, 2009 "Press TV" -- A study conducted by the Central 
Intelligence Agency (CIA) has cast doubt over Israel's survival beyond the next 
20 years. 

      The CIA report predicts "an inexorable movement away from a two-state to 
a one-state solution, as the most viable model based on democratic principles 
of full equality that sheds the looming specter of colonial Apartheid while 
allowing for the return of the 1947/1948 and 1967 refugees. The latter being 
the precondition for sustainable peace in the region."

      The study, which has been made available only to a certain number of 
individuals, further forecasts the return of all Palestinian refugees to the 
occupied territories, and the exodus of two million Israeli - who would move to 
the US in the next fifteen years.

      "There is over 500,000 Israelis with American passports and more than 
300,000 living in the area of just California," International lawyer Franklin 
Lamb said in an interview with Press TV on Friday, adding that those who do not 
have American or western passport, have already applied for them.

      "So I think the handwriting at least among the public in Israel is on the 
wall...[which] suggests history will reject the colonial enterprise sooner or 
later," Lamb stressed.

      He said CIA, in its report, alludes to the unexpectedly quick fall of the 
apartheid government in South Africa and recalls the disintegration of the 
Soviet Union in the early 1990s, suggesting the end to the dream of an 'Israeli 
land' would happen 'way sooner' than later.

      The study further predicts the return of over one and a half million 
Israelis to Russia and other parts of Europe, and denotes a decline in Israeli 
births whereas a rise in the Palestinian population.

      Lamb said given the Israeli conduct toward the Palestinians and the Gaza 
strip in particular, the American public -- which has been voicing its protest 
against Tel Aviv's measures in the last 25 years -- may 'not take it anymore'.

      Some members of the US Senate Intelligence Committee have been informed 
of the report. 

      See also: Fearing a One-State Solution, Israel’s President Serves Pabulum 
to Washington
      



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


      B i s m i l l a a h i r   R a h m a a n i r   R a h e e m

      Assalaamu`Alaykum wa Rahmatullaahi  wa Barakaatahu, 

      Dear brothers and sisters

      <<< With regard to the strength of Israel (the Jewish state), this is 
something that has happened to them by the will and decree of Allaah. 

      Allaah says (interpretation of the meaning): "Indignity is put over them 
wherever they may be, except when under a covenant (of protection) from Allaah, 
and from men" (Aali`Imraan 3:112) 

      Allaah has given them power and respite, but that is only so that when He 
does seize them, He will seize them severely. 

      It was narrated that Abu Moosa (may Allaah be pleased with him) said: The 
Messenger of Allaah (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) said: Allaah 
gives respite to the wrongdoer until, when He seizes him, He does not let him 
go.” Then he recited (interpretation of the meaning): 

      "Such is the Seizure of your Lord when He seizes the (population of) 
towns while they are doing wrong. Verily, His Seizure is painful (and) severe" 
(Hood 11:102) 

      Narrated by al-Bukhaari, 4409; Muslim, 2583. 

      At the time of the Mahdi and when ‘Eesa (peace be upon him) comes down, 
the Muslims’ victory over the Jews will be complete. 

      It is proven (in the hadeeth) then when the leader of the Muslims, the 
Mahdi will come to lead them in praying Fajr,`Eesa ibn Maryam will come down to 
them, and the imam will step back so that ‘Eesa can come forward and lead the 
prayer, but ‘Eesa will put his hand on his back and say, "Go forward and lead 
the prayer, for the iqaamah was given for you." So their imam will lead them in 
prayer, and when he has finished, then`Eesa will head towards the Dajjaal, with 
whom will be seventy thousand Jews. When the Dajjaal looks at him, he will melt 
like salt in water, and the Messiah`Eesa (peace be upon him) will catch up with 
him at the gate of Lod (which is a town near Jerusalem) and kill him. Then 
Allaah will cause the defeat the Jews, and there will be nothing that Allaah 
has created that a Jew hides behind, but Allaah will cause that thing to speak. 
Rocks, trees, walls and animals will all say, 'O Muslim, O slave of Allaah, 
here is a Jew, come and kill him!' – except for the box-thorn tree 
(al-gharqad), for it is one of their trees and will not speak."

      If the Muslims want to defeat the Jews and all kaafirs, they have to turn 
back to Allaah and support His religion until Allaah grants them victory, for 
the Jews are too insignificant for words, but they took advantage of the fact 
that the Muslims have turned away from their religion. 

      We ask Allaah to being the Muslims back to their religion and help them 
follow it properly. >>>  http://islamqa.com/en/ref/13060

      Fee Amaanillaah,
      Your sister,
      K a r i m a
      DDN


--------------------------------------------------------------------------

     



[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



------------------------------------

To subscribe send email to:
[email protected]

http://islammyreligion.wordpress.com

What will you sacrifice this eid?
0800 520 0000
www.islamic-relief.org.uk
Yahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/muslim/

<*> Your email settings:
    Individual Email | Traditional

<*> To change settings online go to:
    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/muslim/join
    (Yahoo! ID required)

<*> To change settings via email:
    mailto:[email protected] 
    mailto:[email protected]

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
    [email protected]

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
    http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/

Reply via email to