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Iran's Dire Threat

It might be able to defend itself

By Edward S. Herman, Z Magazine, Volume 17, Number 10 - October 2004
http://zmagsite.zmag.org/Images/herman1004.html

Iran is the next U.S. and Israeli target, so the mainstream U.S. media are
once again serving the state agenda by focusing on Iran's alleged menace
and refusing to provide context that would show the menace to be pure
Orwell--that is, while Iran is seriously threatened by the U.S. and its
aggressively ethnic-cleansing client, Iran only threatens the possibility
of self-defense.

You might have thought that after the retrospectively awkward and
embarrassing media service to Bush's lies about Saddam's weapons of mass
destruction and dire threat to U.S. national security, which greased the
skids to the invasion/occupation of Iraq, that the media would be less
prone to jump uncritically on war propaganda bandwagons. But you would be
wrong. It is a pretty reliable law of media performance that whenever the
state targets an enemy, the media will get on the bandwagon
enthusiastically or, at minimum, allow themselves to be mobilized as agents
of propaganda and disinformation. Given the power of the United States and
the extreme weakness of its usual targets, the claims of the fearsome
threat posed by the targets is always comical. My favorite remains
Guatemala in the early 1950s, when the National Security Council claimed
that this poor, tiny, and effectively disarmed country was "increasingly
[an] instrument of Soviet aggression in this hemisphere" and was posing a
security threat to the United States as well as its neighbors. As in the
case of Iraq in 2002-2003, most of the neighbors failed to recognize the
dire threat and had to be bribed and coerced into supporting the U.S.
position and the UN had to be (and was) neutralized.

In fact, the Communists hadn't taken over Guatemala and, with U.S. direct
and indirect assistance, it was invaded and occupied by a U.S.-organized
band of expatriates and mercenaries a month after the dire claims by the
NSC. The New York Times and mass media in general cooperated fully in the
propaganda campaign that made this proxy aggression palatable to the
public. This early "liberation" transformed a democracy into an
authoritarian counterinsurgency and terror state. The Times has never
apologized for this performance and it has carefully avoided analyzing the
results of that earlier intervention and contrasting it with the
government's (and its own) pre-invasion propaganda claims.

Several decades later, in the 1980s, Nicaragua provided a partial rerun of
the Guatemala experience, with an alleged dire security threat based on a
link of the leftist Sandinistas to Moscow, a link mainly forced by an arms
boycott and open U.S. campaign of destabilization, subversion, and
sponsored terrorism. There was once again an army of expatriates organized
and funded by the U.S.--the contras--that engaged in systematic terrorism.

Once again the neighbors of Nicaragua couldn't see the dire threat and
spent a great deal of effort in trying to fend off the United States by
mediation and proposed compromises, which the Reagan administration
resented and shunted aside. Once again, an appeal to the UN for protection
against intervention by violence was futile and an International Court
finding against the United States was ignored. In this case, the United
States was able to oust the Sandinistas by the combination of terrorism and
boycott, which halved per capita incomes, and by the effective manipulation
of an election, in which the United States intervened with advice, money,
propaganda, and a blackmail threat--only if the Sandinistas were ousted
would the boycott and sponsored terrorism be terminated. The combination
worked and the Sandinistas were ousted.

The mainstream media carefully avoided the Guatemala context as they once
again served as agents of state propaganda, demonizing the Sandinistas,
failing to contest the stream of lies justifying the violent intervention,
ignoring its gross illegality, declaring the 1984 Nicaraguan election a
"sham" (New York Times), whereas the genuine sham elections held in El
Salvador in 1982 and 1984 under conditions of severe state terror were
declared promising steps toward democracy (see Herman and Chomsky,
Manufacturing Consent; note also how the U.S. media is now finding the
U.S.-appointed puppet government of Iraq a democratic breakthrough: "Early
Steps, Maybe, Toward a Democracy in Iraq," NYT, July 27, 2004). When the
terror war, blackmail, and other forms of electoral intervention
successfully removed the Sandinistas, the media were ecstatic, the New York
Times featuring David Shipler's ode to "Victory Through Fair Play."

So just as Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Iraq were dire threats, so is Iran
today because the Bush government says so and is supported here by Ariel
Sharon. The first rule in supportive propaganda is to intensify attention
to the villain and the alleged threat that he poses. Thus, the claims that
Iran is trying to become a nuclear power have become the continuous basis
of news, with all the details and claims of its moves toward nuclear
capability newsworthy, emanating as they are from a superpower that is a
primary-definer-plus. When it barks, all the smaller doggies in the
"international community," including Kofi Annan and relevant UN agency
officials (in this case, Dr. Mohamed ElBaradei, director general of the
International Atomic Energy Agency [IAEA]), join in with their
complementary barks. Nevertheless, Dr. ElBaradei has been uncomfortable in
his role of UN agency frontperson for the U.S. buildup toward an attack on
Iran, his role being similar to that of Hans Blix in the preparation for
the Iraq attack. In a recent interview with Al-Ahram News (July 27, 2004),
he notes how confined he is by his limited powers, so that he cannot visit
Israel's Dimona reactor, only Iran's facilities, although he believes the
only real solution is denuclearization throughout the Middle East
(http://www.iaea.org).

The analogy with the attention to Iraq's alleged possession and threat of
weapons of mass destruction in 2001-2003 is close: the United States made
those claims, pressed them on the UN and its allies, and in consequence
this became first order news. Today, the United States makes charges
against Iran, presses its allies and the IAEA, and this makes the issue
newsworthy. As a crude index, during the last six months (February
27-August 27, 2004), the New York Times had 21 articles whose headlines
indicated that their subject matter was Iran's threat to acquire nuclear
capability, with dozens more mentioning the Iran-nuclear connection.

The second rule in supportive propaganda is to frame the issues in such a
way that the premises of the propaganda source are taken as given, with any
inconvenient considerations ignored and any sources that would contest the
party line bypassed or marginalized. This technique is well illustrated in
David Sanger's "Diplomacy Fails to Slow Advance of Nuclear Arms," the
front-page feature article in the New York Times of August 8, 2004--a
virtually perfect model of propaganda service.

The frame of Sanger's article is the threat of the nuclear ambitions of
Iran and North Korea, the efforts to contain that threat via diplomacy, the
difficulties encountered in these efforts, U.S. and Israeli concerns over
the matter, and the opinions of Western officials and experts over what
should be done. All seven quoted sources in Sanger's piece are present or
former U.S. officials, which allows the establishment frame to be presented
without challenge.

A basic Sanger premise is that the United States and Israel are good and do
not pose threats worthy of mention, so that any "advance" in nuclear arms,
or the possession and threat of use of such weapons by these states, is
outside the realm of discourse. Thus, the ongoing and well-funded U.S.
program of developing "blockbuster" and other tactical nuclear weapons, the
Bush plan to make nuclear weapons not merely a deterrent, but usable in
normal warfare, and the U.S. intention to exploit space as a platform for
nuclear as well as other technologically advanced weapons systems, do not
fall under the heading "advance of nuclear arms" and they are not mentioned
in the article. These are not the views of the global majority, but they
represent the official U.S. view, hence serving as a premise of the Times
reporter.

A second and related Sanger premise is that the United States has the 
right to decide who can and cannot have nuclear arms and to compel the
disarmament of any country that acquires them. He quotes Bush's statement
that he will not "tolerate" North Korea or Iran acquiring such arms, and
Sanger treats the U.S. push to keep its targets disarmed as an undebatable
position.

A third premise is that while Iran's possible violation of its commitments
under the Non-Proliferation Treaty is newsworthy and important, the failure
of the United States to follow through on its promise in signing that
treaty to work toward the elimination of nuclear weapons through good faith
negotiations, a commitment brazenly violated in the open Bush effort to
improve and make usable nuclear weapons, is not newsworthy. Again, this is
what a press arm of the government would take as a premise, and so does the
New York Times (and virtually the entire corporate media).

A fourth premise of Sanger's piece is that Israel's refusal to have
anything to do with the Non-Proliferation Treaty and its possession and
threat to use nuclear arms is not relevant as context in discussing the
threat of Iran's nuclear capability. Israel is referred to by Sanger only
as fearing the Iran threat and possibly planning on preemptive action to
eliminate that threat. The Arab states and most of the world cannot see the
justice of Israel being allowed to acquire nuclear arms, even with superior
conventional forces and a U.S. protective umbrella, while Arab states
cannot do so. Again, as Israel is a U.S. client state whose acquisition of
nuclear arms was facilitated and is protected by the United States, this
matter is outside the orbit of discourse for U.S. officials and hence of
the New York Times (etc.).

A fifth premise, implicit in the foregoing, is that Iran does not have a
right to self-defense. Israel claims that its nuclear weapons are for
self-defense in a hostile environment, but Iran, threatened by both Israel
and its superpower ally, does not have that right, although its
self-defense needs are far more serious than either Israel's or the U.S.'s.
This was a premise of officials, and hence of the New York Times, in
dealing with Guatemala's attempt to buy arms back in 1953, Nicaragua's
similar efforts in the 1980s, and Saddam's mythical threatening WMD in
2002-3.

Sanger's article is clean in the sense that there is no deviation from the
party line on the source of any nuclear threat and the "advances" that are
worrisome. The Times' subservience to the state in the propaganda buildup
to the invasion-occupation of Iraq was not new and was not terminated by
that sad experience. On the contrary, it proceeds apace, with any lessons
or qualms overpowered by institutional forces that press it to support
state crimes now just as it did in the case of the overthrow of democracy
in Guatemala in 1954 and other alleged "liberations."


~~~~~~~~~~~~~
"Today we cannot merely assume that in the last resort men must always be governed by 
their own consent. For among the means of power that now prevail is the power to 
manage and to manipulate the consent of men. We do not know the limits of such power 
and we hope it does have limits, but these considerations do not remove the fact that 
much power today is successfully employed without the sanction of the reason or the 
conscience of the obedient."

C.W. Mills, The Causes of World War Three (1958) 

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