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http://seattlepi.nwsource.com/opinion/202096_ourplace03.html

Friday, December 3, 2004

Our Place in the World: U.S. mortgages its sovereignty

By KENNETH H. TORP
GUEST COLUMNIST

The official philosophy of the government presided over by George W. Bush
views the United States as standing outside of history -- unfettered by
traditional forces that dictate the rise and fall of civilizations and
immune to the limits imposed on great powers by the broad sweep of
historical trends.

According to this view, the United States is unique, and uniquely good, and
constitutes a singular exception in the history of mankind. It can thus
exercise its superior power unilaterally without worrying overly much about
long-range consequences or the views of other nations. Never mind that
"exceptionalism" requires a breathtaking ethnocentrism; it is, quite
simply, unsustainable in the context of a global market economy.

The international financial system, for example, doesn't give a fig for
U.S. "exceptionalism." Rather, it operates on its own set of principles
that are resolutely market-based and transnational.

The "exceptionalists" may believe they have repealed history but the laws
of economics are not so easily ignored. A chesty Vice President Cheney
tells us that the United States will never ask for a permission slip before
acting in its own self-interest. But even a cursory look at U.S. fiscal and
trade numbers leads to the conclusion that the economic policies of the
Bush administration already have reduced our economic sovereignty. The
"exceptionalists" are simply whistling in the graveyard.

Curently, the U.S. fiscal and trade deficit is about $600 billion, or 6
percent of gross domestic product. Virtually the entire deficit is
structural, not related to cyclical economic ups and downs. Debt held by
foreigners totals $2.6 trillion, or 23 percent of GDP. Economists at
Goldman Sachs calculate that this figure will exceed 60 percent by 2020.
Most of this debt is now held by foreign central banks in the form of
Treasury bonds, as opposed to stocks held by private investors.

The United States now is consuming three-quarters of the world's entire
surplus savings. If the Bush plan for privatizing Social Security becomes a
reality, the transition cost will require either spending cuts (highly
unlikely) or additional borrowing (more likely) of between $2 trillion and
$3.6 trillion over the next 10 years. One immediate result of all this red
ink is that the dollar has lost half its value relative to the euro since
2000 and some economists expect it to decline another 20 percent to 40
percent. Former Fed Chairman Paul Volker recently stated there was a 75
percent chance of a currency crisis in the United States in the next five
years.

The United States may be "exceptional," but international bankers are
unimpressed. When you owe as much as we do to foreign creditors, sooner or
later they will call the tune and we will be obliged to dance. Our foreign
creditors don't even have to call their loans to bring on the ultimate day
of financial reckoning. All it takes is a sharp decline in their
willingness to finance further fiscal profligacy. Interest rates will be
forced up, bond prices will nosedive and interest-rate-sensitive industries
will feel the pinch, especially real estate that is probably overpriced
anyway. A rapid contraction of U.S. economic activity is far from
unthinkable, and with it a worldwide reduction in trade, investment and
economic growth.

With the United States barely able to debt-finance the war in Iraq, our
foreign creditors are not likely to foot the bill for another controversial
U.S. military operation. In other words, the ability of the United States
to defend itself against the next (real) threat is severely circumscribed
by the Bush administration's ideological commitment to tax cuts and its
refusal to exercise even a modicum of fiscal discipline.

It is, of course, altogether possible that placing some restraining power
over U.S. foreign adventurism in the hands of non-U.S. central bankers is
not all bad. But in the long run, the wisdom of mortgaging a substantial
share of our sovereignty to foreign creditors may constitute one of the
largest blunders of U.S. history.

The staggering irony here is that the most bellicose administration in
recent history on issues of international cooperation is likely to bring
about the sharpest curtailment of foreign policy sovereignty by handing
veto power to the very same international players it so routinely snubs.

Kenneth H. Torp of Seattle is a consultant in international public finance.
He is also a retired U.S. foreign service officer.

 

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