And now:[EMAIL PROTECTED] (S.I.S.I.S.) writes:

GUSTAFSEN LAKE: A CLASSIC COVERUP CONTINUES

The Unacknowledged Source, University of Victoria Graduate
Students' Society Newspaper for December 1998. [EMAIL PROTECTED]

by
c. morabito

More than three years after the largest para-military operation in Canadian
history, national and international support for an independent public
inquiry into all aspects of the Gustafsen Lake standoff continues to grow.
Federal NDP leader Alexa McDonough, National Campus/Community Radio
Association (NCRA), Teaching Support Staff Union of Simon Fraser University
(TSSU), the UVic Graduate Students� Society, and Victoria's CUPE Local 50
are some of the latest groups to demand government accountability for the
actions the RCMP and army took against 18 people, mostly native, to remove
them from the Ts'peten Sundance site on unceded Shuswap territory in the
summer of 1995.

Also, Democracy Street, a group comprised of APEC protestors has formally
expressed outrage over the abuses of power at Gustafsen Lake. In an Oct.
29, 1998 letter to premiers Clark and Harris, and Prime Minister Chretien,
Democracy Street demanded an independent public inquiry into Gustafsen
Lake, Ipperwash, and APEC. They noted that: "Gustafsen Lake was the largest
para-military action in Canadian history and a heinous abuse of force as
77,000 rounds, including [internationally prohibited] hollow point bullets,
were fired into a small group of traditional Sundancers occupying unceded
Shuswap territory. Armored personnel carriers and land mines were deployed.
Yet according to Premier Glen Clark, in his response to CUPE Local 50
(shown below), the events at Gustafsen Lake were dealt with appropriately
by the criminal justice system."

Anthony Hall, a Native Studies professor from the University of Lethbridge,
disagrees. He wrote in the April 1997 Canadian Forum that: "The allegations
of police and government wrong-doings are so serious that there is no
question there should be a public inquiry into whether or not the rule of
law was respected."

Bill Lightbown, co-founder of the United Native Nations and spokesperson
for the Ts'peten Defence Committee, accuses the NDP of a massive coverup of
the crimes alleged to have been committed by the RCMP at Gustafsen Lake.
According to Lightbown, "The NDP provincial government cannot ignore its
duty to the Canadian public by continuing to stonewall the requirement for
an independent public inquiry into what happened at Gustafsen Lake." Even
the federal government has placed the responsibility for an inquiry onto
the province. Recently disgraced Solicitor General Andy Scott, in a Sept
15, 1998 letter responding to a demand for a public inquiry, wrote: "As you
may be aware, the administration of justice is within the constitutional
jurisdiction of provincial governments... Such matters fall outside the
jurisdiction of the Solicitor General of Canada... I would like to point
out that all levels of government who have responsibility for law
enforcement concentrated their efforts toward a peaceful resolution of the
events at Gustafsen Lake."

It seems, then, that stonewalling is precisely what premier Clark and the
NDP are doing now. Last March, however, Andrew Petter, Intergovernmental
Affairs Minister for BC, insisted that: "The provinces do not have the
authority to make inquiries into the conduct of the RCMP. If there were to
be such an inquiry, it would come more from the federal government." If
both levels of government are going to play hot potato with Gustafsen Lake,
then what body or commission, independent of state power, can British
Columbians or Canadians rely on to hold governments and police accountable
for crimes against humanity, whether committed domestically or
internationally? Some people believe that if Canada is to progress as a
rule-of-law nation, it must openly confront its past and present in some
kind of Truth Commission.

South Africa, which has as dark and ugly a racist history as Canada, has
recently subjected itself to a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to
address the past criminal abuses of state power in the hope of preventing
recurrence. Canada, however, is a settler state that still lives in denial
of its genocidal past and present. As well, most Canadians know little
about their government's Indian policies, or that the policies of the
present are a continuation of those of the past; or even that this land is
still being stolen from the Indian peoples, who remain jurisdictionally
sovereign on territories not purchased by Canada through treaty.

A TREATY is a formal agreement between two or more sovereign nations. Since
neither British Columbia or any Indian Act Band Council constitutes a
sovereign nation, Canadians don't have to think too hard to understand that
the modern treaty-making process is fraudulent and illegal. And in the face
of what the Canadian and BC governments have admitted, both past and
present, the treaty process isn't just fraudulent and illegal, but
genocidal.

In 1920, Duncan Campbell Scott, of the Dept. of Indian Affairs, stated the
Canadian government's intention toward Indian peoples with amazing honesty:
"Our object," he said, "is to continue until there is not a single Indian
that has not been absorbed into the body politic of Canada and there is no
more Indian question. That is the whole purpose of our legislation."

In 1998, the information used to sell the Nisga'a Final Agreement
completely and proudly affirms this genocidal intention by declaring that
the sovereign Nisga'a nation will be reduced to the equivalent of a
municipality, still effectively controlled by BC and Canada. Since most
British Columbians are unaware of the international and constitutional laws
that guarantees Indian sovereignty, they cannot appreciate the genocidal
triumph of the Nisga'a Final Agreement (NFA). Even the right-wingers,
either for appearance or their own ignorance (or bottomless greed), are
complaining that the Indians are getting too much. And the left-wingers,
through their own ignorance, insist they must support the Nisga'a Final
Agreement (i.e.demise of the Nisga'a nation), because the right-wing
appears to oppose it. Regardless, few non-Indians understand the severity
of it all; however, many Indians do and their opposition to the NFA has
been effectively silenced by mainstream media.

Saul Terry is the past president of the Union of BC Indian Chiefs. Recently
he wrote an open letter to all Indian peoples and Canadians to explain the
real purpose of the BC treaty process. Terry wrote: "Treaties and their
certainty provisions are really about TAKING OUT� (extinguishing) the
Indian Nations. Changing Nations to mere delegated village council or
federal municipalities. In some parts of the world it is now called ethnic
cleansing�...It is practised to a much more subtle level upon our people
but it is still genocide."

Understood in this context: extinguishment, the simplicity of the Gustafsen
Lake siege burns right through the propaganda and misinformation that
criminalizes any native resistance to Canadian genocide. Don't natives,
like all other human beings, have the right to resist policies that seek to
destroy them quickly through violence, or slowly through legislation?
Hasn't the United Nations declared decolonization and self-determination an
internationally recognized right of all peoples?

Before the RCMP began their assault at Gustafsen Lake, they were informed
their attempts to evict the Indians from the Ts'peten Sundance camp would
be illegal according to international and constitutional law. In a letter
Aug. 8, 1995, the lawyer for the Indians, Dr. Bruce Clark, wrote to RCMP
Staff Sgt Sarich that: "The domestic courts from the Supreme Court of
Canada on down are just refusing to address the law because it finds them
personally guilty of complicity in treason, fraud and genocide. Those
courts have assumed a jurisdiction that clearly and plainly they do not
lawfully enjoy, and have exercised the usurped jurisdiction to implement
domestic laws� which are in fact not laws but crimes." Dr. Clark, an
internationally renowned authority on international and constitutional law
pertaining to Indian peoples, went on to write: "My clients and I now turn
to you, the police, for protection against a legal establishment that in
willful blindness has set its face against the rule of law. There is no
middle ground. You may choose just to follow orders that are criminal or,
alternatively, to defend the rule of law against those orders."

The RCMP responded by just following the orders of the BC government,
namely BC Attorney General and Human Rights Minister, who at the time of
the standoff said he was "in constant contact with the RCMP."

The RCMP would soon declare war on the Indians and proceed, with massive
force, to attempt to kill the men, women, children and elders at Gustafsen
Lake, and to set an example for Indians in general about the dangerous
consequences of challenging the continuing colonialism and genocidal
control of the Canadian settler-state. The federal and provincial
governments both rejected any involvement by an impartial, independent,
international adjudication process to settle the conflict at Gustafsen
Lake. They even rejected the presence of neutral peacekeepers because both
the BC and Canadian governments know BC has been in violation of
international and constitutional law for most of its history. This is why
Ujjal Dosanjh responded to the possibility of outside observers with the
infamous declaration: "There shall be no alien intervention into the
affairs of this state."

Dosanjh, like all other politicians, knows that in an independent court,
the legal arguments of the Indians could not be suppressed. The domestic
system has effectively silenced these arguments for decades, and in the
subsequent court processes relating to the Gustafsen Lake siege, the BC
judiciary revealed that it is capable of anything. Irregularities, not
believed possible in any jurisdiction, were legion in the barely reported
8-month trial. Irregularities such as denying several defendants their
counsel of choice, Dr. Bruce Clark. Though this is an internationally
recognized human right, virtually nobody in Canada said anything about this
violation. Surely it is worth asking why this was so.

But before the trial, Dr. Clark was assaulted in judge Nick Friesen's court
for attempting to represent his clients: the first Indians who came out of
Gustafsen Lake. He was also subjected to an RCMP smear campaign in an
effort to discredit his legal arguments; and in the spring of 1997 he was
imprisoned for three months by Judge Friesen for refusing to recant his
jurisdictional arguments and indictments of the domestic crown courts. Dr.
Clark recently called BC, "A theatre of the absurd operating totally
outside the rule of law."

Historically, the BC judiciary, when dealing with Indian issues, has lied
outright and contradicted itself repeatedly in order to stonewall the
challenges to its jurisdiction. This was clear again during the Gustafsen
Lake trial when William Ignace, known better by his Shuswap name,
Wolverine, challenged the jurisdiction of the BC courts. Ignace cited the
Indian Provision of the Royal Proclamation Act of 1763 (partially shown
below), which clearly states that until an Indian territory has been
purchased by the Crown, non-Indians cannot legally occupy land, never mind
subject Indians to the jurisdiction of the Crown. The Gustafsen trial
judge, Bruce Josephson, eventually disallowed all defence arguments before
sequestering the jury.

Months later, the BC Court of Appeal would respond to Ignace's legal
challenge by maintaining: "The Royal Proclamation has never applied to this
Province, the appellants cannot rely upon the Royal Proclamation as support
for their position."

On November 11, 1998, the Vancouver Sun reported that Prime Minister
Chretien, after promising to quickly implement the Nisga'a Final Agreement,
said: "It [the NFA] is an important thing.... I believe in it personally
and it is an obligation of the government and it is a constitutional
obligation [the Royal Proclamation]. . . that the King of England gave us
in 1763." This from a man, who in his 1985 autobiography, Straight from the
Heart said that his time as Minister of Indian Affairs [under Trudeau in
1969] was "like being one of the last emperors of North America." No wonder
the Indians have demanded their cases be argued in an independent court.

In a Report from the Federal Minister of Justice to BC, dated January 19,
1875, in which BC was informed of the illegality of its policies toward
Indian lands, Canada quoted to BC the entire Royal Proclamation Act and
then said: "Considering then, these several features of the case, that no
surrender or cession of their territorial rights, whether the same be of a
legal or equitable nature, has been ever executed by the Indian tribes of
the Province, that they allege that the reservations of land made by the
Government for their use have been arbitrarily so made, and are totally
inadequate to their support and requirements, and without their assent,
they are not averse to hostilities in order to enforce rights which it is
impossible to deny them...."

Apparently, over the last century BC has found it pretty easy to deny
Indians their constitutional rights because Canada, legally obligated to
guarantee such rights, and to protect Indian territories from encroachment
by its provinces, has treasonably assisted and collaborated with the
genocide in BC instead of stopping it.

In an Aug 24, 1995 interview on CHNL Radio, Kamloops, RCMP Sgt. Peter
Montague, who was the media liaison during Gustafsen Lake, said: "Basically
the very foundations that Canadian society are built on, are threatened
here and the RCMP is well aware of that."

The RCMP were created 125 years ago for the express purpose of putting down
Indian resistance to settlers spreading west, so the seriousness of
Montague's statement cannot be disregarded. Genocidal policies are never
accidental but they are rarely as openly celebrated by politicians as they
are in Canada.

So now, here we are, three years after Gustafsen Lake. Indian peoples are
still under siege by British Columbia through a fraudulent treaty process
that seeks to legitimize the theft of sovereign Indian lands. And William
Ignace, a 67-year-old organic farmer, remains a political prisoner for
opposing Canadian genocide. And the existing constitutional law with which
he, and many other Indian people have challenged BC's jurisdiction in the
past decade continues to be stonewalled by all levels of government and
judiciary, national and provincial.

In the face of growing national and international demands for a public
inquiry into the Gustafsen Lake siege, the BC NDP continues to stonewall.
It must be, then, that they oppose an open and independent inquiry into
Gustafsen because such an inquiry would reveal their crimes while also
potentially uncovering the dirty deeds and dirty history that guides
Beautiful BC in its quest to extinguish the rights of Indian nations
forever.
_____________________________________________________________________

the following quotes appeared as graphics on the pages of the article:

POLICE WANTED 4000 TROOPS AT GUSTAFSEN
Headline for a report on the Gustafsen Lake trial.
Vancouver Province, Jan 8, 1997. Pg A4

"There is a line and that line is that there shall be no alien intervention
in the affairs of this state."
-BC Attorney General and Human Rights Minister Ujjal Dosanjh, in Vancouver
Sun, Sept. 15, 1995, p. A1

"And We do further strictly enjoin and require all Persons whatever who
have either wilfully or inadvertently seated themselves upon any Lands
within the Countries above described, or upon any other Lands which, not
having been ceded to or purchased by Us, are still reserved to the said
Indians as aforesaid, forthwith to remove themselves from such
Settlements."
-Royal Proclamation Act, 1763, Indian Provision

"The CO commented and I agreed that we need to clean them out entirely and
not have any hanging issues similar to what occurred at Oka."
-Disclosed notes of RCMP Assist. Commissioner Brown, August 10, 1995.

"There will be inquiries about this until hell freezes over." RCMP Supt.
-Len Olfert, Commanding Officer, Gustafsen Lake Operation, RCMP "training
tape" A5 17:02:00, 1995.

"Kill this Clark, smear the prick and everyone with him."
-Dennis Ryan, RCMP Gustafsen Lake Crisis Management Team, Sept. 1995.
Remark about Dr. Bruce Clark disclosed during the Gustafsen trial.

"It's the real criminals who are in control here. The judges. The lawyers.
The politicians. And in the enforcement arm, the RCMP and its agencies.
These are the real criminals because they're covering up the theft of
native land."
-William Ignace, imprisoned Shuswap elder

"The amazing thing about Indian country is how peaceful it really is and
how diligent people are in seeking reforms through the processes we have
invented for them."
-Dr. Harry Swain, Deputy Minister, Indian Affairs 1990-91

__________________________________________________________________

This letter was in response to the Canadian Union of Public Employees�
(CUPE) endorsement of a resolution from the Assembly of First Nations
calling for a public inquiry into "all aspects of the Gustafsen Lake
matter. [This was also the verbatim premier's response to my own personal
query.]


BRITISH COLUMBIA, OFFICE OF THE PREMIER
NOVEMBER 2, 1998

President CUPE Local 50
Canadian Union of Public Employees
302 - 2750 Quadra St.
Victoria, British Columbia.

Thank you for your letter of August 26, 1998, requesting a public inquiry
into the events at Gustafsen Lake. I apologize for the delay in my
response.

As you know, the police are responsible for keeping the peace in British
Columbia and for ensuring the public's safety. When incidents at protest
sites involve violence, serious threats of violence or property damage,
police act to investigate Criminal Code of Canada violations. The Criminal
Code applies to everyone in British Columbia.

Those charged with Criminal Code violations as a result of incidents at
Gustafsen Lake have been before the Courts. As Premier, I cannot interfere
in any particular judicial decision. In Canada, the judiciary function is a
separate body and Court rulings are not subject to review by any level of
Government.

The events at Gustafsen Lake have been dealt with appropriately by our
criminal justice system. The Province has no intention of reviewing this
matter further through a public inquiry. I appreciate your taking the time
to express your views.

Sincerely,

Glen Clark, Premier

_____________________________________________________________________

Genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy,
in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as
such: a) Killing members of the group; b) Causing serious bodily or mental
harm to members of the group; c) Deliberately inflicting on the group
conditions of life calculated to bring about its destruction, in whole or
in part; d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. 1948 U.N.
Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.


to support an inquiry into
Gustafsen Lake go to
http://kafka.uvic.ca/~vipirg/SISIS/GustLake/support.html

emails of those politicians and groups who oppose an inquiry or who are
silent on the matter altogether:

Premier Glen Clark [EMAIL PROTECTED]
PM Chretien [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Svend Robinson MP [EMAIL PROTECTED]
IA Minister Jane Stewart [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Canadian Human Rights Commission [EMAIL PROTECTED]
BC Human Rights Commission [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Assembly of First Nations, Chief Phil Fontaine. [EMAIL PROTECTED]

:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:
    S.I.S.I.S.   Settlers In Support of Indigenous Sovereignty
        P.O. Box 8673, Victoria, "B.C." "Canada" V8X 3S2

        EMAIL: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
        WWW: http://kafka.uvic.ca/~vipirg/SISIS/SISmain.html

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