And now:Ish <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> writes:

>Cc: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>Date: Tue, 22 Dec 1998 10:44:23 -0800
>From: Nuclear Age Peace Foundation <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
>Sender: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>Subject: Two articles on Iraq Attacks
>To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
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>
>Dear Friends,
>
>       Here are two articles on the illegality of the recent military attacks
>against Iraq, entitled "U.S. Military Strike Against Iraq Undermines the
>Rule of Law" and "Military Action Against Iraq Violates International Law."
>
>-------------------------------------------------------
>MILITARY ACTION AGAINST IRAQ VIOLATES INTERNATIONAL LAW
>by David Krieger*
>
>From the standpoint of international law, the military attacks by the
>United States and Britain against Iraq are illegal and should be subject to
>condemnation.  No matter how one views Saddam Hussein and his lack of
>compliance with United Nations Resolutions, his country should not be
>subjected to military attack without specific authorization by the United
>Nations Security Council.
>
>Absent a situation of self-defense under Article 51 of the United Nations
>Charter, authority for the use of force to preserve the peace can only come
>from the United Nations Security Council.  Neither the United States nor
>Britain sought this grant of authority from the Security Council, and it is
>clear from statements made by other Security Council members that they
>would not have attained this if they had asked.  
>
>In announcing the attack on Iraq, President Clinton made reference to the
>UN Security Council in stating, "The UN Security Council voted 15 to 0 to
>condemn Saddam's actions and to demand that he immediately come into
>compliance."  In fact, in Security Council Resolution 1205 of November 5,
>1998, the Security Council did condemn the decision by Iraq "to cease
>cooperation with the Special Commission as a flagrant violation of
>resolution 687 (1991) and other relevant resolutions."  
>
>Resolution 1205 also demanded "that Iraq rescind immediately and
>unconditionally the decision...to suspend cooperation with the Special
>Commission...and that Iraq provide immediate, complete and unconditional
>cooperation with the Special Commission and the IAEA."  
>
>The Resolution did not, however, authorize the use of force against Iraq if
>it did not comply to the satisfaction of the Special Commission or any
>member of the Security Council.  On the contrary, the Resolution decided
>that the Security Council, in accord with its responsibility for
>maintaining international peace and security, would "remain actively seized
>of the matter."  This means that the Security Council intended to retain
>its authority over the issue of Iraq's compliance, and to determine the
>actions to be taken to maintain peace and security in this matter.  
>
>In announcing the attack against Iraq, President Clinton said that the
>"mission is to attack Iraq's nuclear, chemical and biological weapons
>programs and its military capacity to threaten its neighbors."  
>
>Tony Blair made an almost identical declaration, "Our objectives in this

>military action are clear: To degrade his [Saddam Hussein's] capability to
>build and use weapons of mass destruction.  To diminish the military threat
>he poses to his neighbors."  
>
>Blair also said, "There is no realistic alternative to military force.  We
>are taking military action with real regret, but also with real
>determination.  We have exhausted all other avenues." 
>
>By the logic of Clinton and Blair and their advisors, if members of the
>United Nations are not satisfied with the manner in which other nations are
>carrying out their responsibilities under Security Council resolutions or
>otherwise under international law, military force is a viable and
>reasonable course of action to "degrade" military capabilities.
>
>While Iraq's conduct both with regard to its neighbors and its own Kurdish
>population may place it in a unique category, to be consistent one could
>logically argue that India and Pakistan, for example, should be militarily
>attacked for developing nuclear weapons capabilities.  Or that Israel
>should be militarily attacked for developing nuclear weapons capabilities.
>What about North Korea?  What about Japan, which has virtual nuclear
>weapons capabilities?  Should the United States, Britain, and France come
>under military attack by disapproving nations for maintaining their
>arsenals of weapons of mass destruction?  Should Russia or China be subject
>to such attack?
>
>More important, who is to decide who is to come under military attack and
>when such attacks should be made?  According to international law, such
>decisions reside with the United Nations Security Council.  These decisions
>are not left in the hands of individual nations, no matter how powerful,
>because to do so is to invite international anarchy and the unrestrained
>use of force in the international system.  Absent a situation of
>self-defense, it is only the Security Council that can authorize the use of
>force.
>
>Responding to the decision by the US and UK to attack Iraq, Russian
>President Yeltsin said, "This can essentially be regarded as a step that
>undermines the entire system of international security, of which the UN and
>its Security Council are the linchpins."  The Russian Duma voted 394 to one
>that "[t]hese activities [the attack by the US and UK against Iraq]
>constitute international terrorism."
>
>Clearly Russia did not share the enthusiasm of the US and UK for the resort
>to military force against Iraq and the end run around the UN Security
>Council.  A Chinese foreign Ministry spokesman, Sun Yuxi, expressed a
>similar sentiment, "This is a violation of the UN Charter and the
>principles of international law, and we condemn this."  In Pakistan, the
>parliament unanimously condemned the airstrikes as "an attack on humanity
>and the Islamic world."  
>
>UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, referring to the initiation of the use of
>force against Iraq, stated, "This is a sad day for the United Nations and
>for the world."  
>
>The use of force by the US in Iraq should also have been a sad day for the
>United States.  Unfortunately, it did not seem to be.  There was broad
>support in the Congress for the President's decision to initiate the

>airstrikes against Iraq.  
>
> The American people have been given vague and unspecific grounds for the
>US military action.  US media, for the most part,  analyzes only the
>military strategy and its immediate consequences, and makes virtually no
>references to US or British violations of international law or to the
>long-term consequences for the international system.  
>
>During the impeachment hearings in Congress, which were going on while the
>US and Britain conducted their military attacks against Iraq, there was
>much talk about the rule of law and the belief that no one, not even the
>president, is above the law.  
>
>The American people and their Congressional representatives need to know
>that it is also true that no leader, no matter how powerful, and no
>country, no matter how strongly armed, is above international law.  That
>includes Augusto Pinochet and Henry Kissinger as well as Saddam Hussein,
>Tony Blair and Bill Clinton.  It includes the US and UK as well as Iraq.
>Until we learn this lesson, force will be remain the predominant currency
>of international relations and violence will continue to prevail.
>
>
>___________
>*David Krieger is president of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, a
>non-governmental organization with consultative status to the United
>Nations.  He can be contacted at the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, 1187
>Coast Village Road, Suite 123, Santa Barbara, CA 93108, or by email at
>[EMAIL PROTECTED]  Further information on the issues raised in this
>article can be found at www.wagingpeace.org.
>
>
>------------------------------------------------------------   
>U.S. MILITARY STRIKE AGAINST IRAQ UNDERMINES THE RULE OF LAW
>by David Krieger*
>
>The legality of the military strike against Iraq does not hold up under
>examination of the UN Security Council's resolution on Iraq's defiance of
>the U.N. inspection team.  President Clinton in his speech announcing the
>attack, called attention to the 15-to-zero vote condemning Iraq in the
>Security Council.  He did not, however, reveal to the American people that
>the resolution contained no authorization for the use of force against
>Iraq.  Nor did any previous Security Council resolution provide authority
>for such attack.
>
>President Clinton claimed that the purpose of the military action was "to
>attack Iraq's nuclear, chemical and biological weapons and its military
>capacity to threaten its neighbors." Clinton and his security advisors, who
>he stated were unanimous in their recommendation to attack, were responding
>to a report filed by Richard Butler, the head of the UN inspection team in
>Iraq.  
>
>But this is what the Washington Post wrote about Butler's report:
>"Butler's conclusions were welcome in Washington, which helped orchestrate
>the terms of the Australian diplomat's report.  Sources in New York and
>Washington said Clinton officials played a direct role in shaping Butler's
>text during multiple conversations with him Monday at secure facilities in
>the U.S. mission to the United Nations."  
>
>The article in the Washington Post also pointed out that a "companion
>report" by the International Atomic Energy Agency expressed "broad

>satisfaction with Iraq's cooperation."  
>
>What this suggests is that there were reasonable differences of opinion
>about Iraq's cooperation with the UN, and that there may have been improper
>collusion between Richard Butler, the head of the UN inspection team who is
>supposed to act in a neutral manner, and U.S. officials.  If this is true,
>Butler was clearly acting in an improper manner and bears some of the
>responsibility for the military action against Iraq.  If it is true, Kofi
>Annan should act immediately to fire Butler.
>
>President Clinton justified the attack as being necessary "to protect the
>national interest of the United States, and indeed the interests of people
>throughout the Middle East and around the world."  This justification
>raises many questions.  What was the "national interest" that was being
>protected?  How was it determined?  Should any country have the right to
>attack another country in the name of national interest without proper
>authority under international law?
>
>The behavior of President Clinton and his "security team" sends the wrong
>message to the international community.  It is a similar message to the one
>they sent when they attacked a pharmaceutical plant in Sudan, which they
>unconvincingly claimed was a chemical weapons factory.
>
>The Russian Duma referred to our attack on Iraq in a nearly unanimous vote
>as "international terrorism."  This does not bode well for our future
>relations with the Russians.  
>       
>The Pakistani Parliament unanimously characterized the military action
>against Iraq as "an attack on humanity and the Islamic world."  This does
>not bode well for our future relations with other Islamic nations.
>
>Of the many consequences of our attack against Iraq, I believe the most
>serious is our undermining of the rule of law.  For any use of force
>against Iraq, we should have had express authority from the UN Security
>Council, which in all of its resolutions on this matter indicated clearly
>that it would "remain actively seized of the matter."  By choosing not to
>do so, we once again demonstrated our willingness to defy international law
>for vague reasons of national interest.  
>
>The bottom line is that our attack against Iraq undermines international
>law.  It did not serve the interests of the United States, nor of the
>world.  Kofi Annan had it right when he said, "This is a sad day for the
>United Nations and for the world."
>
>__________
>*David Krieger is president of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, a
>non-governmental organization with consultative status to the United
>Nations.  He can be contacted at the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, 1187
>Coast Village Road, Suite 123, Santa Barbara, CA 93108, or by email at
>[EMAIL PROTECTED]  Further information on the issues raised in this
>article can be found at www.wagingpeace.org.
> 

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