And now:Ish <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> writes:

>Date: Thu, 24 Dec 1998 17:41:55 -0600 (CST)
>To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] (Chiapas95-english)
>Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>Subject: En;FZLN Declaration on Acteal Report, Dec 22
>
>This message is forwarded to you as a service of Zapatistas Online.
>
>
>From: "NUEVO AMANECER PRESS" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
>To: "NAP ENGLISH-A"<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
>Date: Thu, 24 Dec 1998 14:42:17 +0000
>Subject:  FZLN Declaration
>Reply-to: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>
>ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED IN SPANISH BY THE FZLN-L
>TRANSLATED BY LESLIE ANN LOPEZ FOR NUEVO AMANECER PRESS
>******************************************************************
>
>The Blackest of Zedillo's Government
>
>Declaration
>
>The "investigation" into the genocide committed against the indigenous
>people of Acteal, Chiapas has added mockery to injury.  The Attorney
>General (Procurador General de Republica--PGR) and the ensemble of
>federal and Chiapan institutions have functioned not to punish those
>directly and intellectually responsible for the crime, but to pacify their
>American and European associates. 
>
>Every report, every declaration they make, does not seek to satisfy the
>Mexican civil society's thirst for justice, but to ease the discomfort of
>the governments and the big North American and European Community
>investors.  Their "White Book" will go down in history as one of the most
>obscure acts of justice ever.  
>
>Thus the PGR has played the role of Tartuffe--grand moralizing discourses
>which end up trivializing into banality the true reasons for the
>massacre--and instead of acting as the public ministry of the nation, by
>carrying out a judiciary inquiry, he disguises himself as an
>anthropologist or historian, and after a year of "research," he informs
>the Nation that the results are the same as those he reported one week
>after the massacre:  that the problem had nothing to do with a political
>plot among local and federal power players, nor with the existence of
>paramilitaries, nor with the military siege of the indigenous communities,
>but is all about an old inter-family rivalry, which was aggravated by the
>"unconstitutional"  formation of the autonomous municipality and due to
>the existence of the EZLN. 
>
>What's left but to take one more step towards ignominy by saying, "If the
>Mexican Army had been present in Acteal on December 22nd, these incidents
>would never have occurred."  As if the army hadn't been in the region, as
>if its presence hadn't damaged and upset the social environment, as if the
>arrival of the army hadn't brought alcohol, drugs and prostitution to the
>communities.  The PGR's world-in-reverse makes the victims the
>victimizers, and vice versa.  Such is the justice of the Mexican
>PRI-State. 
>
>The nation's "lawyer," probably without realizing it himself, has just
>completed a supplementary demonstration--for those who had any doubts--of
>the existence of a whole, systemic, conspiratorial relationship among the
>federal and state powers.  The explanation that he offers is a
>word-for-word replication of the state government's explanation--repeated

>so often by Homero Tovillas Christiani, Uriel Jarquin, Marco Antonio
>Bezares, Jorge Gamboa Solis and Cesar Ruiz Ferro (both during and after
>the massacre) that it became wearying.  
>
>But if he failed as a lawyer, Mr.  Madrazo was a fiasco as an
>anthropologist.  The problem is not that for thirty years various families
>have conflicted over the control of the region, but that, unlike thirty
>years ago, the community of the Chenalho' municipality is no longer
>willing to be subjugated and exploited by a handful of families
>(especially the Arias family), which for more than thirty years has
>represented the interests of the Institutional Revolutionary Party--the
>same one in which Mr. Ernesto Zedillo, Jorge Madrazo, Cesar Ruiz Ferro and
>Albores Guillen are militants.  Therefore it is absolutely correct to
>indicate that the genocide at Acteal is a State crime and not simply the
>act of a small gang out of control.
>
>The indigenous autonomy promoted by the EZLN is the response to the
>federal government's deceitfulness in not respecting the Accords signed at
>San Andres. It reflects the will of the communities to put in practice
>that which was agreed upon.  For the Nation's "lawyer," the origin of the
>problem is not the evasive hoax executed by the government he represents,
>but the dignified attitude of the indigenous communities.
>
>If Madrazo wants to be a good historian he should track down the numerous
>documents signed by PRI governments which have gone unfulfilled. 
>Specifically in the case of the indigenous situation, the government has
>sought to cheat the global community by signing Agreement 169 of the
>International Organization of Labor, which is a commitment to recognize
>the rights of original peoples and to establish, within the national State
>framework, the right to autonomy.  The government has also sought to fool
>national civil society, particularly its indigenous sector, by signing the
>San Andres Accords which recognized the right to indigenous autonomies and
>raised the issue of needing to reform the Constitution in order to pay the
>nation's historic debt to those communities. In both cases, the government
>has signed with the conviction that it wouldn't comply.  A government
>which acts in this way loses society's trust and undermines any
>possibility for consensus.  It presents itself as a belligerant government
>which sees a threat in every act of society and which makes coercion its
>operating creed. 
>
>The problem in Chiapas (which, as is increasingly evident, is the problem
>of all of Mexico) will not be resolved simply with the arrest of a
>murderer disguised as a "constitutional" municipal president.  Peace with
>justice and dignity will take its first big step if that which was signed
>at San Andres is respected; if the government withdraws its legal project
>in denial of what it signed and if the law developed by the Cocopa is
>approved; if the army withdraws from the communities; if the political
>prisoners accused of being zapatistas are freed; if the paramilitary
>groups are disarmed; if the Follow-up and Verification Commission
>functions; if the discussion at Table 2 of the dialogue on Democracy and

>Justice is recovered; and if that belligerant philosophy with which a
>small group has kidnapped the Mexican State comes to an end.
>
>A year after Acteal, the PGR's (which is to say, Zedillo's) "White Book" 
>reveals their deep hatred towards the indigenous communities.  That hatred
>is no longer just about the zapatistas' attitude towards power but is also
>about the fact that the struggle of the indigenous communities of the
>Mexican Southeast has catalyzed the worst legitimacy crisis yet among all
>institutions of power.  Ernesto Zedillo is now more isolated than ever,
>surrounded by political advisors who share his hatred of the EZLN, and
>thus represent an inverted mirror, in which that bunch of scamming
>renegades that seethes through the halls of the Government Ministry gazes
>at themselves in annoyance.  There has never before existed, not even in
>the era of Diaz Ordaz, such a degree of international repudiation of the
>Mexican government as there is now.  Lacking any other outfit to put on,
>Zedillo and Madrazo with their "White Book" are trying to close the
>subject of Acteal forever--until the next massacre. 
>
>The problem is that, as in the case of the Tlatelolco massacre, Acteal
>cannot be erased.  The deep basis of the grudge held by the "nation's
>lawyer" against the autonomous municipalities resides in the significance
>of the civil and peaceful irruption of Mexican Indians in taking the
>governance of their own destinies into their own hands, and its
>annunciatory nature--of a kind of previously existing future. 
>
>The road towards the democratic transformation of the country is located
>in the struggle for autonomy by diverse social subjects; and the autonomy
>over forms of government, especially at the basic unit of political
>organization in Mexico, the Municipality, is the ideal location for the
>exercise of government from below--that is to say, by the majority.  And
>the fact that the democratic future of the country has no future if it
>does not take as a point of departure the reversal of the form, importance
>and decision-making capacity of popular representation:  From an
>organization based in the omnipresence and omnipotence of the Executive to
>one based in community representation via the municipal units and
>their autonomy. 
>
>The construction of the autonomous municipalities represents the
>development of a human energy that seeks to change the relationships of
>domination; is carrying out an adjustment of accounts with years of prior
>injustices; and is indicating a path of human solidarity, while opening a
>space of rebellion within social conformism and resignation toward
>goverment activity (they always promise but they never come through). 
>Their irruption represents a rebellion against injustice, lies,
>intolerance, despotism, a fundamental lack of solidarity.  It also
>represents the will to make themselves heard, by way of breaking with
>previously existing forms and balances.  This civil and peaceful irruption
>represents one of the greatest and most memorable acts in the history of
>our people.

>
>The massacre at Acteal cannot remain put away in the books of the corrupt
>bureaucrats that govern us, of those who have been characterized by their
>coverups of narcotraffic and organized crime, of those who have proven
>themselves incapable of finding those responsible for recent political
>crimes, when it would be so easy to find them just by looking in the
>mirror.
>
>The best way to honor the memory of those who died at Acteal is to
>participate actively in the preparations for the Great National
>Consultation on March 21, on the Cocopa's law and in general on the role
>of Mexican indigenous people in the reconstruction of the nation-state.
>
>Mexico City, December 22, 1998.
>
>
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