And now:[EMAIL PROTECTED] (S.I.S.I.S.) writes:

SISIS note: The 4th UN Intersessional Working Group meetings on the Draft
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, with which the following
message is concerned, is currently meeting in Geneva. There has been no
domestic media coverage of this important undertaking: *please forward and
lobby all media*

The full text of the UN Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples is available in English at:
http://www.hookele.com/netwarriors/dec-En.html

in Spanish at:
http://www.hookele.com/netwarriors/dec-Es.html


---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Sun, 3 Jan 1904 05:32:16 +0100
From: NetWarriors/WarriorNET Network <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: INDIGENOUS LAW INSTITUTE ON SELF-DETERMINATION & INTERNATIONAL LAW

TOWARD THE GLOBAL LIBERATION OF ALL NATIONS AND PEOPLES

by

Steve Newcomb (Shawnee/Lenape)
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Indigenous Law Institute

        Article 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights (ICCPR) reads: "All peoples have the right of self-determination. By
virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and
freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development." This exact
language is also found in article 1 of the International Covenant on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
(ICESCR).

        The two abovementioned UN human rights Covenants were intended to
serve as a "more elaborate forumulation of human rights standards" than the
"preliminary step" of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that was
adopted by the UN General Assembly on December 10, 1948. In other words,
the above language regarding all peoples having the right of
self-determination found in the Covenants of December 16, 1966, was part of
the General Assembly's effort to clarify the overall framework of human
rights that it began to express in the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. (See, Ian Brownlie, Basic Documents in International Law, 1983, p.
257)

        In the preamble of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we
find that the General Assembly declared the human rights enumerated in that
document to be "a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all
nations." The General Assembly further declared the need for the "universal
and effective recognition," of the rights enumerated therein, "both among
the peoples of the Member States themselves and among the peoples of the
territories under their jurisdiction." In short, the ICCPR and ICESCR
clarify that self-determination is an essential part of what the UN General
Assembly has declared to be "a common standard of achievement for all
peoples and all nations," including the peoples considered to be "under the
jurisdiction of" Member States.

ARTICLE 3 OF THE UN DRAFT DECLARATION ON THE RIGHTS OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES
        Afticle 3 of the UN Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples was lifted directly from Article 1 of both the ICCPR and the
ICESCR. As a result, Article 3 reads: "Indigenous peoples have the right of
self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their
political status, and freely choose their economic, social and cultural
development." The drafters of Article 3, intended it to mean that all
peoples, including Indigenous peoples, have the right of
self-determination..." At present, state government delegations to the
Inter-Sessional Working Group on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples are
attempting to give Article 3 the opposite meaning than was intended by its
drafters: i.e., "all peoples, except Indigenous peoples, have the right of
self-determination."

        However, if Indigenous nations and peoples fall within the category
"all peoples and all nations," (as found in the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights) and/or within the category "peoples under their [Member
States'] jurisdiction," then, according to the ICCPR and the ICESCR, as
peoples they already are considered to have the right of
self-determination.

        States opposing the principle that Indigenous nations and peoples
have the right of self-determination have two main options open to them.
One, attempt to entirely remove Indigenous nations and peoples from the
category "peoples" as found in the United Nations Charter and the
International Human Rights Covenants. One way for them to achieve this
objective is by placing Indigenous nations and peoples into the category
"individuals under the jurisdiction of democratic Member States."

        The second option open to State opponents of Indigenous peoples'
self-determination is to support some type of nominal Indigenous group or
collective rights under the dominion and jurisdiction of states. This is
the U.S. model of federal Indian law, and "domestic dependent nations."
Under this option the political status of Indigenous nations and peoples is
predetermined for them by states, but they are then "free to choose their
economic, social and cultural development," subject, however, to the
ultimate dominion of the state within which the Indigenous peoples find
themselves situated. If adopted, this option will result in the universal
application of a world-wide "democratic colonial framework." In either of
the above two scenarios, the present colonial status quo becomes written
into an international instrument.

DEFINITIONS
        Since the Universal Declaration of Human Rights refers to "the
peoples of the territories under their [Member States'] jurisdiction," we
must ask ourselves, "Is this a reference to what are now commonly referred
to as Indigenous peoples."

        The word "jurisdiction"  is derived from the Latin jus, or juris,
meaning law, and dictio, from dico, meaning "to pronounce." Thus,
jurisdiction literally means, "to pronounce law." However, the more general
definition relevant to this discussion is, "the extent of the authority of
a government," or "the district or limit within which power may be
exercised." To speak of "the peoples of the territories under the
jurisdiction of Member States, means "under the authority of Member
States."

        The word "authority" brings us to, "power or right to command or
act, dominion, and control." Based on this, the above phrase may be
understood as meaning "peoples of the territories under the dominion of
Member States." What is dominion? The term dominion is derived from the
Sanskrit term damayati and the Latin domanus, meaning "he who subdues." It
is also traced to the Latin word "domo," meaning, "to subjugate, to subdue,
to place into subservience, to tame, to domesticate, to cultivate, and to
till." The Latin word for "to cultivate," is colere, "to colonize."

        According to Admiral Samuel E. Morison, in The Oxford History of
the American People, colonization is "a form of conquest in which a nation
takes over a distant territory, thrusts in its own people and controls or
eliminates the native population." He goes on to describe what he calls
"modern colonization," or "that amazing expansion of trade and settlement"
by Europeans "which resulted in world dominion." It is this process of
modern colonization, he said, which "produced lasting results in America,
Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa; even in those countries of Asia
and Africa which have won their independence since World War II." (p. 34)

        In short, colonization is a process of subjugation, domination,
foreign control, and unabated resource exploitation. This matches the
etymological roots of dominion as "one who subdues." Thus, "the history of
colonization is not simply that of the migrations of men across the world.
It is also that of war and of exploitation of races and of nations one by
the other." (Henry C. Morris, The History of Colonization, From the
Earliest Times to the Present Day, Vol. 1, 1904, p. 10)

        In the case of the United States, Canada (and the rest of the
Americas), Australia, New Zealand, and many other parts of the world, the
phrase "peoples of the territories under the jurisdiction of Member States"
means, "peoples of the territories historically colonized by Member States"
(or, by the predecessors of Member States).

THE "INDIGENOUS PROBLEM" IS A COLONIAL PROBLEM
        According to the United Nations Centre for Human Rights, Indigenous
peoples are "those peoples living in a particular place when a secondary
settler population, through conquest...establishes dominance over them."
The Centre, in other words, defines Indigenous peoples as subject peoples,
or peoples over whom dominance has been established. In Steps Toward
Colonial Freedom, Dr. Laura M. Thompson pointed out that the term "colonial
problem" refers "to a relationship between dominant and subject groups,
which may exist within a continuous land area, as in pre-Soviet Russia, and
even within a politically as well as geographically homogeneous state, as
Australia and the United States, and does not necessarily invove long
distances." (Laura M. Thompson, Steps Toward Colonial Freedom, 1943, p.4)

        In the forward to another of Thompson's books, John Collier, who
was the United States Commissioner of Indian Affairs from 1933-945,
identified the link between U.S.-Indian policy and colonialism. He
remarked: "When in 1941, Harold L. Ickes, then Secretary of the Interior,
and I, then Indian Commissioner, and Willard W. Beatty, then as now
Director of Indian Education, solicited the research of which this book is
one of the products, we were viewing the government's Indian Service as
just one of the many enterprises of colonial administration, trusteeship,
service to dependencies and minorities, in the world as a whole." (Laura M.
Thompson, Culture In Crisis, A Study of the Hopi Indians, 1950, p.12-13).

        "Colonial peoples" are not the colonizers. Rather, they are the
peoples subjected to the colonizers' domination, jurisdiction, or rule.
Colonial peoples are those nations and peoples who, as a result of having
been historically subjected to the violent process of colonization by
settler populations, are  held in a perpetual state of colonial bondage.
Once they have been placed under colonial domination, the colonizers then
deny them the right to once again be restored to their pre-colonial free
and independent way of life. It is because Indigenous nations and peoples
are attempting use the UN Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples to liberate themselves from the legacy of colonial domination and
oppression that many States, particularly the United States, are opposed to
Article 3 and other specific provisions of that document.

        The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, by specifically
referring to "peoples of the territories under their [Member States']
jurisdiction," is referring to peoples living under colonial rule. This
describes Indigenous nations and peoples. According to the international
human rights framework, all nations and peoples of the world living under
colonial rule have the right of self-determination expressed in the
International Human Rights Covenants. They also have the right to use the
principle of self-determination to free themselves of colonial domination.
States, on the other hand, have no right to block or impede the liberation
of Indigenous nations and peoples without violating international human
rights standards.

ARTICLE 3 AND THE FEARS OF "SETTLER" STATES
        In its opening General Statement to the 4th UN Inter-Sessional
Working Group, the United States expressed concern over Article 3 of the
Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Some, said the US,
interpret self-determination to mean the right to separate or secede from
the rest of society. Let us address both of these concerns.

SEPARATION
         Based on a conversation with an official from the US Department of
State, the mention of separation is actually a fear that some Indigenous
peoples will interpret Article 3 to mean that Indigenous nations and
peoples have a right to independence.

        Independence means, "the state or quality of being independent,"
while independent means, "not influenced or controlled by others." By
saying that it does not want Indigenous nations and peoples to be
independent, the US is saying that it wants them to remain dependent. As
applied to originally free and independent peoples who have been subjected
to colonization, and forced to live under colonial administration such as
Indian Commissioner John Collier identified, the term "dependence" means
"subordination or subjection to colonial rule." Independence means free;
dependence means unfree, subjugated, or held in colonial bondage.

        If it is unacceptable for all peoples and all nations of the world
to become free and independent of colonial domination, why have so many
peoples been able to do exactly that since the United Nations was
established in 1945? This question becomes even more poignant when we
consider that American Indian nations of the Western Hemisphere, the Kanaka
Maoli nation of Hawaii, and so many other nations and peoples forced to
live under the dark cloud of colonialism, lived entirely free and
independent before the empires of Christendom established their colonial
domination on the homelands and territories of Indigenous nations and
peoples.

        When the thirteen British colonies along the North American
Atlantic seaboard made their declaration in the name, and by the authority
of the people of the colonies, it was--"That these united colonies are, and
of right ought to be, free and independent states." They did not have any
long established precedent such as Indigenous nations and peoples do of an
original free and independent existence. Yet despite this fact, the United
States considers it to have been highly moral, and, in fact, one of the
high points of human history, for the colonial leaders to have issued the
Declaration of Independence from Great Britain.

        The Declaration of Independence marked the beginning of
independence for the thirteen colonies as free and independent states; it
was a condition they did not previously have. On the other hand, our
efforts as Indigenous nations and peoples to free ourselves of colonial
domination is an effort to RESTORE OURSELVES to the original free and
independent existence experienced by our ancestors for countless
generations, even thousands of years, based on our spirituality, our
knowledge of the natural laws, and the Original Instructions given to us by
the Creator. This is our moral high ground.


SECESSION
        When the thirteen British colonies of the North American Atlantic
coast declared themselves to be free and independent states, and joined
themselves into a common union, they acceded (meaning, consented) to do so.
In other words, they freely and willingly agreed to enter into such an
association. A variation of the word accede is accession, which means
"consent, agreement, or approval." The word secession is the opposite of
accession. To secede means, "to withdraw formally from an alliance,
federation, or association." And all three of these political relationships
involve the prior act of peoples acceding or consenting to those
relationships.

        The relationship between a dominating empire, state, or colonizing
people, and the peoples colonized, is not rooted in accession, consent, or
free agreement. It is rooted in oppression. Therefore, it is impossible for
nations and peoples forcibly held under colonial bondage to secede from
such an abusive political relationship. The false issue of secession is a
non sequitur (it does not follow), and, thus, a non-issue designed to be
inflamatory and alarmist.

THE AMERICAN EMPIRE AND INDIGENOUS NATIONS AND PEOPLES
        George Washington once remarked that by winning the Revolutionary
War, the thirteen states had "laid the foundation of a great empire." "It
is only in our united character, as an empire, that our independence is
acknowledged, that our power can be regarded, or our credit supported among
foreign nations." Thomas Jefferson, who became Washington's Secretary of
State, and the third President of the United States, asked Washington in
1784 whether it was "practicable to keep our empire separated" from the
rest of the world. (Richard Van Alstyne, Genesis of American Nationalism,
p.3) Chief Justice Marshall, in the U.S. Supreme Court ruling, Loughborough
v. Blake (1820), referred to the United States as "the American empire."
And, in Downes v. Bidwell (1900), the Supreme Court said with regard to the
US's imperial expansion, "a false step at this time might prove fatal to
what Chief Justice Marshall called the American Empire."

        As soon as the thirteen British colonies declared and achieved
their own free and independent political status, the newly created federal
empire of states conspired to rob the Original Nations and Peoples of the
Americas of our lands. They worked had to forcibly deprive our ancestors of
their own free and independent existence and way of life, and to force our
nations and peoples under U.S. colonial rule. According to historian
Richard Van Alstyne, the frame of reference of the American colonizers was
"the Roman Empire in the Age of Augustus." Indeed, Van Alstyne notes, "with
the coming of the Revolution and with the ambition to weld the Thirteen
Colonies into a national, sovereign state, the substitution of the phrase
"American Empire," for British came easily and naturally." (Richard Van
Alstyne, The American Empire, Its Historical Pattern and Evolution, 1960,
p. 3) Now, in 1998, those who represent the American empire are attempting
to maintain the system of colonization built by their ancestors and
predecessors.

        And upon what foundational principle has that edifice been built?
According to Temple Bodley, "And what of the right of the Indians to the
lands which had been immemorially theirs? The answer is that they were
regarded by Christian nations as having no rights except such as the
dominant white nation claiming their country chose to concede to them.
Under the rule generally recognized by the great powers of Europe,
uncivilized aborigines, such as the American Indians, became subjects of
that Christian nation which first discovered and claimed their country;
their lands became the property of that civilized nation. It was a hard
rule for the Indians, but it was made by the lions for the lambs." (Our
First Great West, In Revolutionary War, Diplomacy and Politics, 1938, p. 4)

        To this day, the American empire's federal Indian law and policy
remains premised upon the Doctrine of Christian discovery and dominion, or
upon the claim of an ultimate Christian dominion over "Indians, who were
heathens." This premise is found in the 1823 US Supreme Court ruling
Johnson & Graham's Lesee v. McIntosh (21 U.S., 8 Wheat., 543). This ancient
principle of Christendom has been interwoven into the laws and Supreme
Court rulings of the United States, and now serves as the principal
foundation of the colonial system under which the U.S. holds Indian nations
and peoples. It is also used by other English Common law countries such as
Canada, Australia, and New Zealand against Indigenous nations and peoples.
The U.S. has used variations of this ideology to force other Indigenous
nations and peoples, such as the Kanaka Maoli of Hawaii, under U.S.
dominion. The UN Draft Declaration, including Article 3, is an effort by
Indigenous nations and peoples to use contemporary human rights standards
to forever eliminate the use of such immoral and repugnant doctrines as
that of Christian discovery and dominion as the basis for relations between
any state and Indigenous nations and peoples.

CONCLUSION
        One of the central tenets of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights is "the development of friendly relations between nations." The
Declaration also specifically distinguishes between nations and "Member
States" of the UN. As we have shown above, the expression of human rights
contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and in the
International Human Rights Covenants, are intended to include within their
scope "peoples of the territories under their [Member States']
jurisdiction." When such claimed "jurisdiction" by Member States' dominion
rests upon claims of empire, and the Christian discovery of "heathens," as
in the case of the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, this
is more in conformity with the Vatican's papal bulls of the 15th Century
than with contemporary human rights standards.

        Those papal bulls, it must be remembered, gave Christendom's
highest "moral" sanction to the "subjugation of barbarous nations," and "to
invade, search out, capture, vanquish, and subdue all
Saracens...pagans...and other enemies of Christ." The Christian monarchs
(the equivalent of modern day states) were to "reduce their [infidel]
persons to perpetual slavery," and "to take away all their possessions and
property." (The Bull Romanus Pontifex, January 8, 1455. See, Frances
Gardiner Davenport, European Treaties bearing on the History of the United
States and its Dependencies to 1648, 1917, p. 23) The Bull Inter Caetera
issued by Pope Alexander VI on May 4, 1493, expressed the pope's desire
that "barbarous nations be subjugated," and that the "Christian Empire" be
expanded.

        Unfortunately, many states that built their colonial systems on the
legacy of the papal bulls, the English colonial charters, and other
outmoded ideologies of the past, are now attempting to maintain the status
quo along with its immoral foundation. And this despite the fact that those
doctrines have been repudiated. For example, the International Court of
Justice's ruling in the Western Sahara case, the Mabo ruling in Australia,
and the universal condemnation of Apartheid in South Africa. For
incalcitrant states to cling to an outdated and immoral framework of
colonialism just as we are about to usher in the 21st Century is insulting
to Indigenous nations and peoples, and counter-productive. It sends the
message that Indigenous nations and peoples will never be liberated from a
system of colonial domination that dates back more than five centuries.

________________________Thank you Steve
____________________________________________________
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