And now:Ish <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> writes:

Date: Tue, 13 Jul 1999 13:11:04 -0700
Message-Id: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
From: arthur <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
 
>OVERVIEW
>
>The large-scale movement of non-Indians onto Indian reservations 
began
>with the U.S. government's 19th century General Allotment Act (1887). 
The
>U.S. government intended to destroy tribal governments and break up 
Indian
>reservations under, what was then considered, the progressive 
Manifest
>Destiny Doctrine - the historical inevitability of Anglo-Saxon domination
>of North America from sea to sea. By moving non-Indians onto Indian
>reservations as the new reservation land-owners and locating individual
>Indians on parcels of reservation land or off the reservation completely,
>the United States government hoped to eliminate Indian nations once 
and for
>all. Under the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934, the U.S. Congress 
only
>partially repudiated the Allotment law for its destructive impact on tribal
>peoples.
>
>In the late 1960's, it had become clear that the U.S. government's 19th
>century policy succeeded in creating a "checker-board land ownership"
>pattern on every "allotted reservation." Not only did the land ownership
>pattern put non-Indian and Indian landowners living next to each other, 
but
>it also complicated an increasingly difficult jurisdictional mess for
>tribal, federal, and state governments. Though Indian nations originally
>reserved full jurisdictional authority to their own governments inside
>reservation boundaries, the United States government began to 
undermine
>that jurisdiction by imposing federal or state laws on reservations 
where
>non-Indians owned property. This complicated and confused civil and
>criminal law and justice responsibilities on Indian reservations.
>
>By the 1980's more than 500,000 non-indians claimed land on Indian
>reservations. More than half of many tribes' populations were forced to
>live outside reservations. They no longer had the ability to fully enjoy
>the benefits of territories reserved to them as distinct peoples under
>treaties and agreements with the United States of America. Non-Indian
>landowners competed with tribal peoples for limited resources and land
>inside reservation boundaries.
>
>The majority of the displaced Indians now live in areas and 
communities
>near their reservation, while still many thousands of Indians were forced
>under a 1950's U.S. policy of relocation to move to major cities like Los
>Angeles, Denver, Seattle, Chicago, New York, and Baltimore.
>
>The non-Indian land owners included people seeking inexpensive 
summer
>retreats, retirement homes, and commercial businesses. At first they
>received help and encouragement from the United States government. 
Now they
>are also receiving help, encouragement and money from right-wing 
elements
>too. Influence ranging from Sun Myun Moon's Unification Church to 
followers
>of neo-Nazi groups and white supremacists dovetailed with a 
movement that
>began as a legitimate political dispute.
>
>Under the guise of "mainstream non-profit research and education
>organizations" and the deceptively attractive "equal rights for everyone"
>slogan, the Anti-Indian Movement emerged in the last third of this 
century.
>With its right-wing extremist technical help, the Movement seeks and
>receives support and money from unsuspecting "reservation Non-
Indians" and
>off-reservation non-Indians.
>
>With their own agenda, the Anti-Indian Movement's reactionaries and
>extremists employ tactics and slogans calculated to exploit Indian and 
non-
>Indian fears of each other. Using the non-Indians' fear of Indians to build
>a power base in mainstream politics, right-wing extremists took 
advantage
>of fear and bigotry.
>
>While many transplanted non-Indians now live as residents on Indian
>reservations, large numbers are absentee landowners - they don't live 
on
>the reservation. Despite their absentee landowner status, the 
"reservation
>non-Indian" in the late 1960's became a new and powerful challenge to 
the
>peace and stability of Indian nations. Indian people had often heard the
>refrain "Why don't you go back to your reservation?" when Indian and 
non-
>Indian conflicts arose outside the reservation. It was a wrenching
>experience to have conflicts inside the reservation and hear that 
"Indians
>should become a part of greater society and have equal rights with
>everyone."
>
>Larger numbers of non-Indian landowners rejected tribal governmental
>authority inside the reservation, and they called upon the state to
>exercise its powers there. Non-Indian rejection of "alien tribal
>governments" built pressures leading to legal confrontations between 
tribal
>and state governments over a widening range of jurisdictional subjects.
>Increasing numbers of "reservation non-Indians" supplied state 
governments
>with the wedge needed to expand state powers into Indian reservations 
-
>DEFACTO ANNEXATION OF TRIBAL LANDS. Tribes and states 
intensified their
>mutual antagonism and suspicion.
>
>Since the General Allotment act in 1887, limitations on reservation
>resources forced more and more Indians to fish and hunt for their food 
in
>ceded areas near reservations. Indians asserted that treaties with the
>United States guaranteed continuing tribal access to some off-
reservation
>resources. Not until tribes and states began to battle over control of
>natural resources outside reservation boundaries did there arise an
>organized Anti-Indian Movement in the 20th century. "Reservation non-
>Indians" became the core organizers of what became a highly 
structured
>Anti-Indian Movement. By 1991, the activists responsible for starting 
the
>Movement in 1976 headed four key organizations in the states of 
Washington,
>Montana, and Wisconsin.
>
>End Page 2 
>
>Larry Kibby, Elko Indian Colony
>Home Page - http://www.angelfire.com/nv/navalues/index.html
>List Page - http://www.angelfire.com/nv/navaules/NAvoices.html
>
>
>

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