From: First Peoples Human Rights Coalition [mailto:i...@firstpeoplesrights.org]
Sent: July-17-12 6:56 AM
To: i...@firstpeoplesrights.org
Subject: Deploying the U.N. Indigenous Rights Declaration in the Courts of the 
Conqueror

>From the article below: "... the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals recognized that 
>customary international law "is not stagnant and should be construed as it 
>exists today among the nations of the world" and that "one source of that law 
>is the customs and usages of civilized nations."

_______________________
Indian Country
TODAY MEDIA NETWORK.com
Deploying the U.N. Indigenous Rights Declaration in the Courts of the Conqueror

http://indiancountrytodaymedianetwork.com/ict_sbc/domestic-enforcement-of-undrip

[http://ictmncdn1.tgpstage1.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/06/opn-gabriel-s-galanda-150.jpg]By
 Gabriel S. Galanda

January 27, 2012



Nobody can deny that the Obama Administration has worked hard on behalf of 
Indian country. But despite its recent efforts, the United States still 
routinely violates Indian treaty rights and sovereignty. Often cloaked in the 
veil of labor interests or states' rights, or simply as an exercise of outright 
federal supremacy, the executive branch too frequently exhibits an eagerness to 
ignore Indian rights in favor of U.S power or  special interests. What is 
disturbing about this Administration's approach to Indian country is that it 
professes to honor tribal sovereignty-the president recently said he's "got our 
back"-while employing increasingly sophisticated legal and political tools to 
undermine inherent and reserved tribal rights.

The Department of Labor and its National Labor Relations Board continually 
invade tribal lands and attempt to enforce the National Labor Relations Act 
against tribal enterprises, for the sake of labor unions and their 
constituents. The Department of Justice and its various agencies show an 
unmatched eagerness to enter tribal territories and enforce state tobacco tax 
laws against tribal governments and members through federal laws like the PACT 
Act. Their efforts on behalf of state government general revenue raising seek 
only to protect states' unholy alliance with Big Tobacco pursuant to the Master 
Settlement Agreement. Even the agencies primarily charged with exercising the 
federal fiduciary obligations to tribal governments and members facilitate the 
unconstitutional taking of individual Indians' allotted lands and valuable 
natural resources to benefit particularly powerful industry groups and 
interests. In other words, even though the portrays himself as a friend to 
Indian country, the United States does not-and perhaps never will-truly have 
our back.

Federal encroachment into Indian country, in violation of inherent sovereignty 
or treaty rights, is nothing new. What is new, however, is the United States' 
formal support for the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous 
Peoples<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Declaration_on_the_Rights_of_Indigenous_Peoples>
 (UNDRIP), and its many provisions that set forth in detail and protect the 
rights of United States tribes and their members in relation to the Federal 
Government. On December 16, 2010, with much pomp and circumstance before 
American tribal leaders, President Obama endorsed the Declaration, explaining 
to the tribal leaders who had gathered in Washington, D.C.:

"The aspirations it affirms-including the respect for the institutions and rich 
cultures of Native peoples-are one we must always seek to fulfill.... I want to 
be clear: What matters far more than words-what matters far more than any 
resolution or declaration-are actions to match those words."

Yet in action, the departments, agencies, and officials within the Obama 
Administration do not actually live up to the words contained in the 
Declaration. To the contrary, federal actions too frequently contradict the 
promises made by the United States to American Indian indigenous people in the 
Declaration. As United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous 
Peoples S. James Anaya has noted, it is one thing for governments to 
"incorporate the norms concerning indigenous peoples; it is quite another thing 
for the norms to take effect in the actual lives of people."

Indeed, what we now know as "federal Indian law" would not exist were it not 
for the binding international norms as employed (somewhat inaccurately) nearly 
200 years ago in the Marshall Trilogy. Those cases made clear that the 
federal-tribal relationship was governed by the "universal recognition of [the] 
principles" accepted and practiced by so-called "civilized nations." Johnson v. 
M'Intosh<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Johnson_v._M%27Intosh> (1823). Keeping in 
mind that international legal principles are, under very recent federal court 
decisions, "not stagnant," the Feds cannot now have it both ways-using those 
principles as incorporated into the Marshall Trilogy to the detriment of 
Indians when convenient, while at the same time denying that international 
norms which protect Indians are binding upon the United States. As Professor 
Frickey has poignantly argued: "If the only legitimate constitutional 
justification for an expansive federal power over Indian affairs lies in 
interpreting the Constitution against the backdrop of international law, then 
international law is an important framework for constitutional interpretation 
throughout the field of federal Indian law." To say it another way, if 
international law is the only legitimate argument justifying the plenary power 
doctrine, then international law ought to be applied in other respects as well 
to interpret the Constitution in regard to Indian rights.

Although U.S. support for the Declaration is relatively recent, it is 
surprising that the Declaration has yet to be invoked in our domestic 
courts-which Walter Echo-Hawk has aptly dubbed "the courts of the 
conqueror"-where laws do affect American indigenous peoples' lives-in an 
increasingly negative way. In defense of unlawful federal agency action (or 
inaction) in Indian Country, the United States' lawyers will quickly rejoin 
that the Declaration "is not a law or even a binding document in the United 
States." Marrakush Soc. v. New Jersey State 
Police<http://indiancountrytodaymedianetwork.com/ict_sbc/Marrakush%20Soc.%20v.%20New%20Jersey%20State%20Police>
 (D.N.J. 2009).

Such absolute assertions are not, however, absolute. Although the Obama 
Administration has not surprisingly become so engrossed in its own domestic 
policies that binding, customary international law is often overlooked by 
federal actors, ignoring the Declaration's mandates does not make them 
nonbinding. International norms that have achieved fully crystallized status as 
customary international law-such as the rights to indigenous 
self-determination, territorial autonomy, and cultural integrity embodied in 
the Declaration-are in fact binding and enforceable domestically, at federal 
common law. In Murray v. The Charming 
Betsy<http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/6/64/> (1804), the U.S. 
Supreme Court made it explicit: Congressional enactments and agency regulations 
are to be construed so as not to conflict with these international norms, and 
any conflicting state law is preempted by this federal common law. And, as more 
recently articulated by the Supreme Court in Sosa v. 
Álvarez-Machain<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sosa_v._Alvarez-Machain> (2004), 
"it would take some explaining to say now that federal courts must avert their 
gaze entirely from any international norm intended to protect individuals." 
Notwithstanding this firm advice, based on two centuries of jurisprudence, 
federal lawyers often invite courts not only to "avert their gaze" from 
international obligations, but to bury their head in the sand.

Fortunately, not all federal courts are so naïve as to believe that customary 
international law has no force domestically. In Tel-Oren v. Libyan Arab 
Republic<http://homepage.ntlworld.com/jksonc/docs/tel-oren-726F2d774.html> 
(D.C. Cir. 1984), the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals recognized that customary 
international law "is not stagnant and should be construed as it exists today 
among the nations of the world" and that "one source of that law is the customs 
and usages of civilized nations." These canons were reconfirmed recently in 
Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum 
Co.<http://harvardhumanrights.wordpress.com/criminal-justice-in-latin-america/alien-tort-statute/kiobel-v-royal-dutch-petroleum-co/>
 (2nd Cir. 2010).

One shortcoming of this approach, though, is that although a clear rule of 
binding customary law may exist, the rule likely does not provide a cause of 
action in domestic courts. Instead, the Declaration may, and should, be used as 
a source of substantive rights and as a tool of interpretation that the courts 
can apply when a cause of action derived from some other source of law comes 
before the court. For example, the Declaration could be used to buttress a 
tribal counterattack on U.S. agency action in violation of federal laws like 
Indian treaties and federal statutes and regulations that guarantee rights to 
American Indians, pursuant to the Administrative Procedures 
Act<http://www.archives.gov/federal-register/laws/administrative-procedure/> 
and its waiver of federal sovereign immunity. In that way, federal officials 
will be forced to explain to a United States judge why she should avert her 
glaze away from the Declaration-a set of international norms that the Obama 
Administration itself admits through its announced support of the Declaration 
should protect and positively effect the lives of American indigenous people(s).

Despite federal contention otherwise, the Declaration is not toothless. Indian 
country should deploy the Declaration and its embodiment of customary 
international law in domestic courts when necessary to defend against federal 
behavior that threatens American indigenous ways of life.

Gabriel S. Galanda, an enrolled member of the Round Valley Indian Tribes, is a 
partner with Galanda Broadman, PLLC, in Seattle.

All Content ©2012 Indian Country Today Media Network, LLC





[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



------------------------------------

Native News North
List info{all lists}:
http://nativenewsonline.org/natnews.htm

Yahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/NatNews-north/

<*> Your email settings:
    Individual Email | Traditional

<*> To change settings online go to:
    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/NatNews-north/join
    (Yahoo! ID required)

<*> To change settings via email:
    natnews-north-dig...@yahoogroups.com 
    natnews-north-fullfeatu...@yahoogroups.com

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
    natnews-north-unsubscr...@yahoogroups.com

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
    http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/

Reply via email to