Dear all,
thanks for the stimulating discussion. 
Let me add some reflection from the point of view of an urbanist which 
considers media and ICT as undistinguished and integral part of the urban field.

In my idea, to a marxist reading of Facebook as a place of labour exploitation, 
it  would be rather preferable a parallelism with the exploitation of rent.  
The "citizen labourer", who through his everyday-life practices builds the city 
identity - while in the meantime creating its exchange value - is in fact the 
agent who produces the rent which the capitalist "rentier" exploits. It is in 
great part the product of a "free labour" which in my opinion has always 
existed, that of the citizen strolling in a commercial street, consuming, 
'colouring the space with vibrant neighbourhood life' (a copy'n'paste refrain 
of urban marketing), etc.  
In the same way, Facebook's users build  the exchange value of the "site"  
through their everyday practices while enjoying the use of its 'public space' , 
creating ' rent value' (exchange value) in favour of the corporation which can 
sell aggregated information by commecial purposes. They both respond to the 
(non exclusive) role of prod-user. 
An epitome of such dynamics in urban terms is gentrification process, where 
consciously or not (more so...), creatives and 'urban pioniers' through their 
social and cultural production (mostly in their non working activities) raise 
the value of the land, indirectly favouring the diplacement of disadvantage 
population. Which however does not happens with facebook.  
Yet, the parallel is not complete, as the value of land is strictly connected 
with its finiteness and the impossibility, in principle, of coexistence in the 
same place of bodies / activities. The concentration of activities and 
buildings in urban spaces implicitly builds scarcity, which is not the case of 
digital information stored in the internet, tendentially replicable and 
accessible ad infinitum. In this sense, the creation of a great amount of 
surplus profit from its use derives more from artificlally induced scarcity  
given by the exclusive  right  to sell access to aggregated data of facebook 
(and google etc.), than from a material progressive scarcity of resources. The 
issue here is if we have to consider facebook as the corresponding of a private 
developer earning money from renting its spaces, or the manager of a public 
space which retain taxes to manage it for the best public profit, which should 
be in my view a more correct way to approach the question. Above all,
  i believe that the struggle for preserving the nature of the internet as a 
commons, as common wealth,  is of the same nature of the struggle of activism 
for public space. 
Rent in material terms is constituted over the state apparatuses endorsing the 
system of norms ruling property under capitalist regime. The internet enhanced 
a far less monopolistic role of the state as the ruler of a virtual territory, 
differently from urban territories that fall univocally  under its normative 
power (but not uncontested by multiple kinds of autonomy claims). This means on 
one side that there is not a definite player as "the state" to define rules for 
accessing and producing such a 'public space',  which can be also seen in terms 
of a step towards a more libertarian or anarchic organization. On the other, 
that there is not such a player which can univocally and legitimally claim for 
the defense of the implicit public nature of those spaces of communication and 
social interplay, if not the 'multitude' itself of its produsers.  
This moves the question from "if facebook" exploits labour", which is true as 
it always has been in every spatial edification, to:
1)  how can we defend its public nature from the speculatory exploitation of 
financial capital (it's all about this).
2) how can we imagine and implement better alternatives to facebook and similar 
logics...

lorenzo


On Mar 2, 2012, at 7:34 PM, Brian Holmes wrote:

> 
> On 03/01/2012 08:23 PM, Jonathan Marshall wrote:
> 
>> To me, the problem is the complexity of what is to be thought, and
>> a general refusal to allow paradox - ie that something can be both
>> good and bad, that it can have contradictory drives - to exist
>> within the same thought.
> 
> I'm generally on board with that.
 <...>


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