just to say that the absentee rate is not too far from the historical trend
for federal elections, but I agree with the rest of the description 100%.

On Tue, Nov 13, 2018 at 9:47 AM Felix Stalder <[email protected]> wrote:

>
> I just spent ten days in the city and region of Sao Paulo, talking
> mainly to artists, academics, activist associated with right-to-the-city
> and indigenous movements. This is the limited impression I got from
> this. Please correct, add, deepen it with more substantial information
> and knowledge.
>
>
> The mood is, little surprise, very dark. Everyone expects heavy waves of
> repression coming down, leading to the destruction of entire sectors of
> the society and the environment. The signs are everywhere, not just
> Bolsonaro's rhetoric during the election campaign, but all levels of
> society are already shifting. On the legal front, major social movement,
> such as the Landless Movement (MST) and indigenous movements have
> already been, or are on the cusp of being, declared terrorist
> organizations, removing what ever protection under the law existed and
> whatever restraints the security apparatus might have had before.
>
> The ministry of the environment will be integrated into the ministry of
> agriculture, the ministry of labor is supposed to be closed down. It's a
> Polyanian "disembedding" of labor and land.
>
> Street level violence is also picking up. Even in a relatively peaceful,
> well-to-do university town outside Sao Paulo, which still voted 70%
> Bolsonaro, a prominent gay performer was murdered in his home, within
> one week of the election. To the people I talked to, this was not a
> co-incidence.
>
> What makes the mood particularly dark is that most people still have
> memory of the previous dictatorship in Brazil, which lasted particularly
> long, 21 years, from 1964 to 1985. Memories of people suddenly
> disappearing, of repression and of stiffing cultural climate,  are still
> fresh, at least for those who still have a sense of history, which is
> the minority.
>
> The coalition that brought Bolsonaro to power is mix of the old
> oligarchy, corporate interests set on privatization (which will likely
> happen at an extreme scale), middle classes who saw the Lula and Dilma
> presidency as a threat to their status by creating social mobility for
> workers and peasants, but not improving services for them.
>
> Also, there is a feeling of deep institutional rot, mainly in form of
> largest-scale corruption, which not only tarred the Workers Party, but
> all but wiped out the established right-wing parties. In addition, very
> real concerns with security and violent crime. And, I think very
> important, were the evangelical churches that promote an extremely
> conservative social agenda. They mobilized the masses and Bolsonaro's
> first TV interview after the election was on one of their channels
>
> About 30% of the electorate chose not to vote, even though it's
> mandatory, and this is interpreted as being mainly those who were
> against Bolsonaro but couldn't bring themselves to supporting a
> candidate from the Workers Party.
>
> A major aspect of the election campaign was that it was almost
> exclusively done over social media, Whatsapp in particular. There was a
> total absence of what one might call classic public discourse in which
> the different sides would have encountered each other directly.
>
> Bolsonaro is not an impressive figure, if you see him on TV, and he is
> prone to gaffs, so he refused any televised debates and the stabbing in
> early September played so much into his hand that quite a few are
> convinced that it was fake.
>
> The medium of choice was Whatsapp, mainly because it's pre-installed on
> most smart phone and can be accessed without a data plan. So, for many
> people, the Internet is Whatsapp and the "full internet" is for rich
> people. This reminds me of the "basic internet" that Facebook wanted to
> bring to India, that is free access to nothing but Facebook. While they
> didn't succeed in India, they succeeded in Brazil, by being much less
> upfront but working with the existing providers, basically subsidizing
> them for free access (if I understand this correctly).
>
> The Bolosonaro Campaign reportedly spent US 12 million on an extensive
> fake news campaign, claiming, among others, that his opponent, Haddad,
> has raped a child (he was a former minister of education). These
> messages, which were highly targeted, Cambridge Analytica style, to
> specific groups where spread in part by the social networks of the
> churches. It is also believed that the campaign obtained profiles and
> contact information from a Facebook hack, which was Facebook announced
> in mid September.
>
> But given the nature of Whatsapp, all of this is really hard to account
> for, only Facebook itself can trace the flow of messages through its
> network.
>
> But is another reminder what anti-democratic politics look like. Key to
> its success is the destruction of even the last vestiges of the public
> sphere. So, as corny as the televised presidential debates are, not
> having them makes things even worse. And I wouldn't be surprised if
> Trump refused them in the next election cycle as well. The ground work
> against the fake media has already been laid.
>
> There are tensions within the coalition that carried Bolsonaro. It's
> mainly around free trade. While Bolsonaro wants to tear down Mercosur,
> certain sectors of the industry want to keep it. It's not too dissimilar
> to Trumps stance on Nafta. And the solution might be the same. Make some
> cosmetic changes, give it a new name, and claim success while not really
> disturbing manufacturing and trade.
>
> Brazil, to state the obvious, is an extremely large and diverse country,
> whatever comes will be fought over hard and internal contradictions are
> abound in a country as unequal in all respects such as this. But there
> is no obvious silver lining in this, not the least because the
> development is part of a global trend, rather than a national outlier.
>
>
>
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> --
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