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CHRIS DELISO: NATO'S MACEDONIAN PHRASE-BOOK

Comnpare

Misha Glenny is not the sole author of �Fall of Yugoslavia�.

April 28, 1995
Kristine Puopolo
Penguin USA
375 Hudson Street
New York NY 10014-3657

Dear Kristine Puopolo,

Thanks for your note of February 16th.
The text of Misha Glenny�s book was composed by more than one person,
one presumably a native speaker of English, other(s) certainly not. Are
your editors aware of this? The rhetoric, vocabulary, phraseology, and
grammar of many passages could only have emanated from a non-native
hand, probably Yugoslav, most probably a Croatian Usta{a. Are your
editors aware of this?  Yours truly,


 J. P. Maher Ph. D.

4752 N. Lincoln Avenue
Chicago IL 60625-2010


        (312) 728 0125
        (312) 784 0827 FAX


P. S. Please note the May 1995 number of Chronicles magazine regarding
Roy Gutman�s Pulitzer.  PR Orchestration in the Yugoslav War 1991
Misha, Glenny. The Fall of Yugoslavia. The Third Balkan War New York &
London: Penguin. ISBN 0 14 02.3536 8 � J. P. Maher, Chicago 1995

 Misha Glenny wishes all the belligerents a plague on their houses. Or
does he? Glenny is not at all neutral towards the warring nations,
Serbs, Croats, Bosnian Muslims, Kosovo Albanians, and Muslim Serbs from
Sand`ak. Glenny, or whoever wrote �his� book, is rabid against one of
the parties. Some of the combatants reap bouquets, one side is served
only venom. Content aside, the phraseological envelope of the text more
than suggests that Glenny�s book is one of several PR hoaxes in
Yugoslavia�s wars. the Penguin/America�s reputation is tarnished by
bringing out such a book. Content. Numerous passages are unlikely to
have been penned by our dispassionate Britisher, but could only have
been written by party or parties to the conflict. In rhetoric, tone, and
bias, who is likelier to have authored the following lines, an impartial
Brit critical of all the combatants or an anonymous belligerent? For
white hats try on:  �(Kosovo Albanian) Veton Surroi ... skilled, urbane
polyglot ...� (page 69 ).
  �...Milo{ Vasi}, phenomenal journalist from the Belgrade magazine
Vreme� (�independent� self-hating Serbian weekly bankrolled by the rich
and famous Serbophobe (�Bomb Belgrade�) George Soros (page 107). �the
men who I spoke to in Novi Pazar were intelligent and measured in their
outlook...� (page 129 ). A hand unsure about English style and register
is mixing up both here. Those moderates are Islamized Serb zealots from
the Sand`ak region of Serbia who send their menfolk to Turkey to be
trained for jihad against their Christian brothers. Shades of National
Socialist Germany: General Tudjman�s new independent state of Croatia in
1991 outlawed the use of Serb Cyrillic script. Editions in Cyrillic have
been dumped from libraries and even taken from private collections in
the new independent Croatia. Glenny, or �Glenny�, softens this to
�dismissing Cyrillic� (p. 41). For black hats, done up with purple
patches, try on:  �... war mad rapacious Serbian reservists.� (page
120). And
  �... a pot of sugary chauvinism around which Serbian flies buzzed all
night.� (page 67). This florid stuff was written by a neutral Brit? It
is vintage Ustasha harangue.

�Serbs have silly myths.� This idea is a stock in trade in Muslim Bosnia
and in Croatia. Such a silly myth is, for example, the Serbs� most
sacred day,� Vidovdan, St. Vitus� Day (June 15 O. S./June 28 N. S.),
when Tsar Lazar was defeated and killed by Sultan Murad�s forces.
�...why the Serbs celebrate this as the greatest day in their history is
a mystery to the rest of humanity, but celebrate it they do� (page 34).
No mystery at all. Chicago�s symbol is the Phoenix, after the fire of
1872. Jews have their myth of Masada. Christians have Golgotha. Serb
silly myths are best exorcised, as in old theater, by hissing: �On June
28 Serbia�s most sacred day, Prishtina was its usual sticky, shabby
self... the busses were bogged down in a viscous sea of Serbian
peasants....� (page 34). The non-Balkan reader may be unclear as to the
focus of the sibilator�s scorn. Is it the numbers of people that
offends, their agriculturalism (kinder and gentler was Spooner�s �noble
tons of soil�), or could it just be their nationality? But, anyway, just
outside Prishtina lies Kosovo Polje, misleadingly glossed as �the field
of blackbirds�. �The Field of Blackbirds was turned into an infinite
expanse of Serbia�s imagined glory.� (page 36). Among English speakers
in North America, Australia, and South Africa, only ornithologists in
the audience will recognize the species referred to. The black bird of
European landscapes is no crow, nor raven, no starling nor grackle, but
the cousin, Turdus merula, of the North American robin, Turdus
migratorius Like our New World harbinger of spring the European black
bird called kos in Serbo-Croatian is a metonym of the season�s sweet
birdsong. Hence the feel of the Serbian toponym Kosovo Polje can only be
savored by readers in the market of Penguin/USA through a free English
translation as �Field of Robins� or �Field of Thrushes.� That is indeed
achieved in the German, but a delicious irony results in the racism of
the Germans and Austrians from the juxtaposition of a beautiful image
with their odium for the nation who defied Hitler and a war earlier
brought down the proud, actually arrogant and genocidal, empires of
Kaisers Franz Josef and Bill. It was Vidovdan in 1914 when Imperial
Austria, plotting the death of Serbia, dispatched, one might say, the
less than astute crown prince, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, without
security, to Sarajevo, praying he would be killed by a Serb. A month
later, when the guns of July spoke, Austria, with an army of 5 million,
began to take a spectacular licking from by the seasoned and brave
200,000 man Serb army. In 1918 Austria died, not of murder, but suicide.
But Serbia rose from German-Austrian genocide, as from the dead. Today
Serbs of the Serb lands, Bosnia, Krajina, and Serbia expect the same
this time around in yet another war orchestrated by Germany,
disastrously reunited, with its vassals and odd bedfellows in 1991. No
mystery, then, why the Serbs� day of glory is Vidovdan, for if
Christians have Good Friday, they also have Easter. The Serbophobia of
�Glenny�s� book is consonant with the witch hunt in the oxymoronic
Western diplomacy and free press. It is no longer salonf�hig to bait
Jews or Afro-Americans, but it�s open season on one tribe. In its New
World Order the United States policy includes Saudi Arabia, Pakistan,
Turkey, Malaysia, Bangladesh, Indonesia, the non-state �Bosnia,� etc.,
bastions that all these are of love, truth, freedom, religious
tolerance, multiethnic pluralism and all that. More ethnophobia poured
out by a non-English scribe is seen in �Glenny�s� treatment of a phrase
used by Serbs with a- and be-musement: govori srpski da te ceo svet
razume �speak Serbian so the whole world will understand you� (p. 14).
If you have no sense of humor, this may be a �mystifying saying�.
However, Serbs in the street or on the hills know it�s a joke, even if
they can�t parse it for you. They laugh when they use it. A Frenchman
would get it: the wheeze plays on the use of the phrase ceo svet �whole
world� as a piece like French tout le monde, literally �all the world�,
which of course is a vehicle for conveying the sense �everyone� (page
50). The whole is equal to more than the sum of its parts. So much for
evenhandedness and wit.

A political moderate in Zagreb last year defined Croatian extremism as
�hating Serbs more than is normal�. It was intended seriously by the
spokesman. It provoked hilarity among Serbs.
Form: phraseology, grammar, lexicon. It can escape no critic worthy of
the name or editor competent in the material that Glenny�s pose of
neutrality is no more than that, a pose. But more important for ethics
and questions of government directed disinformation is the question: is
Fall really Glenny�s book? Was The Fall of Yugoslavia really written by
a Brit? Parts of it clearly yes, other parts absolutely not. Not only,
as we have seen, is the work studded with passages dripping with
Serbophobic clich�s, but, what is more, there are dozens of precise
details of language form, aside from content, that point to the
unassailable conclusion that Glenny�s was not the sole hand writing
�his� book. We now pass from the book�s naive Punch & Judy show to
precise internal evidence of the writer�s, or writers�, nationality as
betrayed by details of language in the narrow sense of spelling,
pronunciation, and translation of the words themselves. Iconography &
phonology. Forgive the pedantic detail that follows, but such
painstaking philological and even iconographic �DNA testing� enables us
to see quite clearly that it was a non-native speaker of �Serbo-Croat,�
as the Brits have it, who wrote (page 15) the passage about a certain
Serb emblem, originally a cross with mirror image motifs around the
intersecting members that evolved from mere embellishments into a
representation of four Cyrillic C�s (=S). This is read as the initials
of a slogan: samo sloga Srbina spasava / samo sloga Srbina spasava --
only unity saves the Serb.� A fine point missed by Glenny in this
context is that the last word has an s-sound in the middle, while in
non-heraldic contexts a variant with [ (read sh ) is used, i.e. spa{ava
/ spa{ava. �Glenny� uses the latter; he should have used the former. No
literate native speaker would have made this mistake. Glenny, from the
population of non-native speakers, qualifies as a source who may have
penned those lines. Dialectology. Because the Serbs of Krajina speak the
same variant of Serbo-Croatian as we find in literary Croatian Glenny,
or pseudo-Glenny,
writes:
   � ... ironically in Knin the Serbs all  speak the Croatian
variant...� (page 8). And: �Croatian language was already known in Knin
and Tu|man didn�t have to force it on anyone� (page 12).� The recipe for
turning the second quote into English: add one definite article at the
head of the sentence. Then, to bring the content into accord with the
history of literary Croatian, the anglophone reader inexpert in the
subject, and the chauvinist Croat, likewise inexpert, both need the
following background on the relationship of Croat and Serb dialects. As
meteorologists talk of isotherms for lines marking areas of equal
temperature and isobars for lines marking zones of equal pressure,
linguistic geographers talk of isoglosses, areas of equal pronunciation
and other language usages. (Glossa is �tongue, language� in Greek.)
Northern USA folk e. g. pronounce greasy with an �s� sound, southerners
with a �z� sound. Only southerners say �he done gone�. The first
isoglosses separating pure Croatian from Serb dialects are the
interrogative pronouns: for �what?� In genuine Croatian dialects people
around Zagreb say kaj (rhymes with �sky�). And on the north Adriatic
islands they say ~a (read �ch�). Serb dialects have {to (read �sh�).
These dialect variants are known in the trade as ^akavski, Kajkavski,
and {tokavski. A key isogloss within {tokavski is exemplified by the
word for �milk�: Western Serb and standard Croat have the same
pronunciation, or isogloss: mlijeko. Dalmatia says mliko. East of the
Drina the Serbs say mleko. There you have it: (i)jekavski, ikavski,
ekavski. And standard Serbian and standard Croatian both say {to.�What�s
going on here? Here is what went on and culminated in royal and imperial
Vienna in 1850: �In Croatia a similar work of linguistic and literary
reform (that of the Serb Vuk Stefanovi} Karad`i}, 1787-1864) was carried
out by Ljudevit Gaj, 1809-1872... His aim was to create a uniform
�Illyrian� language for all western Yugoslavs ... In 1836 he finally
chose the je-version of the {to-dialect as the most fitting medium for
the literary language, the same dialect as that chosen by Vuk
Karad`i}... (emphases mine: jpm) �The final seal to this work was set by
the so-called Vienna Literary Agreement (Be~ki knji`evni dogovor) in
1850, when all the leading Yugoslav scholars of the time, including Vuk
and Gaj, met in Vienna and agreed on the final adoption of a common
literary language.� Glenny or �Glenny� has his/her cart before
his/her/their horse. Krajina�s Serbs do not speak Croatian. Rather,
literary Croatian is a western Serb dialect, the very same Hercegovinian
Serb dialect agreed to by Croat scholars, legislated by the fiat of the
Austro-Hungarian Empire and sanctioned by the Vatican, doubtless with an
eye to proselytization of the schismatic Serbs. Govori srpski, da hrvate
srbi razumeju. �Speak Serbian so the Croats will be understood by the
Serbs.� When they come, as they did in 1941 and again in 1991, to
convert the Orthodox to Catholicism�by fire, mallet, and sword.�Even if
the text of the 1850 Vienna Literary Agreement were no longer extant,
the internal evidence from the language itself makes it manifestly clear
that literary Catholic Croatian is a wholesale borrowing of Orthodox
Serbian. Take for example, and there are many more such examples, the
name of Jesus: where in Slovene we find the German and medieval
Latin-based Jezus, in Croatian we find the form Isus , which is pure
Serbian, from none other than the Byzantine Greek �??????  used in all
the Orthdox Slav languages. Orthography. Internal textual evidence of
other kind reveals lines that were penned by a Balkan ghost writer in
addition to pages from Glenny�s own diaries. The MS. that Penguin press
printed under Glenny�s name contains dozens of passages betraying the
hands of more than one author. Not all of them have English as mother
tongue. Yugo-error.  In 1991, for example, the Dutch Foreign Minister
had the honor of addressing the United States Congress to kick off the
war on the Serbs. Hans Van den Broek is his name. Now, it is practice in
Serbo-Croatian orthography, in latinica or }irilica, to transcribe, and
not to write foreign proper names in their original forms. For example
Thatcher is written Ta~er, McCloskey is Makloski. Just so, Italians
sometimes prefer Scespir to Shakespeare, which would be read as
�shahkeh-speh-ah-reh�. Behind the spelling of the Dutch diplomat�s name
a Serbo-Croat hand therefore may be thought to lurk, for we find there
not the Dutch spelling Broek, but the transcribed Bruk (page 15). That
was written by no Britisher, but only by person or persons whose native
idiom is Serbo-Croatian, and who has a poor command of English writing
practice. Would that south Slav be a Serb or a Croat?
Anglo-error: Another, duller but just as telling example of this
composition by several hands is the spelling (e{eljovci instead of
correct (e{eljevci (followers of the Serb nationalist Vojislav [e{elj;
page 24). No Yugoslav wrote that. On the other hand it was no English
hand that translated the political slogan sa nama nema neizvesnosti as
�with us there is no insecurity.� It should read �uncertainty� (page
41). Phraseology. Numerous Yugo-bloopers occur in �Glenny�. In
Serbo-Croatian they say: �the smoke grabbed me behind the throat�dim me
je zgrabio za grlo.� We find in �Glenny�:
  �the stench grabbed the back of my throat� (page 136).
A Yugoslav hand wrote this passage, too. I�d have written:
  �the stench gagged me/ I gagged...�
Faux amis. Relevant now is the phenomenon that French teachers term faux
amis �false friends, words i. e. which look alike from one language to
another but are not quite used alike, as e.g . English constipated and
Spanish constipado. The congestion referred to in the Spanish is nasal.
In all the reporting from the Balkans since 1991 the most frequent faux
ami error written by Yugoslav hands and put in the hands of lazy and
incompetent Western journalists and editors involves the English word
grenade and Serbo-Croatian granata. English hand grenade , short
grenade, translates into SC as ru~na bomba , elliptically bomba,
literally �(hand) bomb�. We read in the Oxford English Dictionary that
since 1592, the word grenade refers to �a device now thrown only by
hand.� Granata in SC, on the other hand, designates an artillery shell,
not a grenade. Then there�s the word bomb in English. This refers to an
aerial bomb in modern warfare, to today�s terrorist car bomb, in Francis
Scott Key to something which none of the straining singers understands.
And when innocent Anglo readers�and �reporters��hear, or copy, this bomb
they dream of a gunpowder-packed black sphere with a sputtering wick of
a fuse ? in the grip of a beady-eyed anarchist from old rotogravure
depictions of the Chicago Hay Market riots. Consider:  � ... a grenade
attack on the police station in Tenja... � (p. 10) . This is Britisher
Glenny writing; the device is a hand grenade / ru~na bomba. And now:
  the grenade he was trying to throw...� (p. 110).
Again we have a hand grenade. But following is a Yugoslav writing
grenade, when an artillery shell is clearly at issue:  �...at 1800 four
grenades fell precisely on one hidden tank killing the

 three occupants inside (p. 125).
A Macedonian soldier is being quoted here, but not by a competent
English writer. Note the redundant last two words, as well.
  �...grenades began falling� (p. 115).
Again a faux ami for granata �shell�.
   �...at one point a JNA tank fired a grenade over our heads and
demolished a seventh  floor flat...� (p.109 ). Ditto.

�...the first thing I noticed in the steep, narrow stairways of the Old
Town (of Dubrovnik) was a considerable amount of rubble, indicating that
despite JNA protests to the contrary, grenades had indeed fallen on the
old town.  Many more would fall during later attacks, but each stone
chip testifies to the philistinism of the JNA ...�  (p. 136). Here the
penultimate noun once again betrays a Yugoslav author. In natives�
English we distinguish between artsyfartsy philistinism and bloodandguts
barbarity. Serbo-Croatian filistinizam is �sneakiness�.

 Conclusion. Misha Glenny is not the sole author of Fall of Yugoslavia.


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                      CHRIS DELISO: NATO'S MACEDONIAN PHRASE-BOOK

Since its beginnings in February, the crisis in Macedonia has presented
the pro-interventionist Western media with a significant challenge: that
is, how to justify acting against a democratic and peaceful country, one
that had neither a malevolent dictator nor any serious oppression to
recommend it for opprobrium. When Albanian terrorism started up last
winter, it caught the press by surprise, and for a few weeks no one knew
how to handle it except by treating it as what it was: unprovoked
violence from a destabilizing and terroristic source.

Yet as time went on, some parallels were observed (or rather, were
forcibly constructed) between Macedonia and Kosovo, and the various
experiences of the victims and oppressors there. As everybody knows, in
Kosovo the Albanians were the good guys, and the Serbs the bad guys, and
so the chief bad guy of them all was the leader of the Serbs, Slobodan
Milosevic. This handy model has been reapplied, and the tragicomic opera
of Macedonia has been recast; Ali Ahmeti is the new Ibrahim Rugova, and
Slobodan Milosevic has been replaced by two men -- Prime Minister Ljubco
Georgievski and Interior Minister Ljube Boskovski.

As it becomes harder for NATO to conceal its support for the NLA, the
quest of the media is to reconstruct the Kosovo scenario, utilizing the
same descriptive terms that were widely used to win popular acceptance
of the legitimacy and the urgency of NATO's mission on behalf of the
Albanians.

The slogan of Macedonia's favorite beer, Skopsko, proclaims, "with
Skopsko, anything is possible." Reviewing the media's dictionary of
control will show how indeed anything -- and everything -- has become
possible for the Western media.

Dual-Carriageways and Dreadful Sounds

The controversy continues over the death of British soldier Ian Collins.
Was he, as the British press claims, victim of a malicious Macedonian
"gang," gunning for NATO soldiers? Or is there reason for the
Macedonians to be suspicious that they were not allowed to see the
wreckage of Collins' vehicle, and that the reports of different
witnesses do not match up? We may never know the whole truth, but there
already seems to be one outrageous misdeed committed by the British
press.

The alleged "eyewitness," Sima Stojic, is suing the Times of London,
claiming that they put false words in his mouth, and offered him large
sums of money not to speak to other media.

The Times article claims that Stojic spoke "broken English," learned
over two years in Detroit. Yet the reporter, Michael Evans, records him
as speaking flawless British English. He supposedly quotes Mr. Stojic as
speaking of a "dual-carriageway" in reference to the road that the
perpetrators crossed to escape. No American would refer to a "highway"
as a "dual-carriageway." Further, the Times article quotes Mr. Stojic as
saying the NATO car made a "dreadful sound." This also raises
suspicions. The word "dreadful" is particularly British in tone; no
American would use it in this context. If Mr. Stojic really used these
words, he didn't learn them in Detroit.

This troublesome discrepancy supports Mr. Stojic's claims of tampering
and indicates that the Times is guilty of a serious breach of
journalistic ethics. Yet why would they sink so low? And why does the
British press have such a stake in this?

The answer lies in the general ambivalence of the British people, who
are confused and misinformed over why their soldiers are in Macedonia in
the first place. The fact that the British military presence was forced
through while most of the government was on holiday inspired some
objections from Conservatives and criticism has come from the region
most weary of violence, Northern Ireland.

During the Kosovo bombardment I was living in England, and I can testify
to the incredible impact that the press had on the British people.
Headlines every day screamed of Serbian "atrocities," "genocide," and
"death camps" -- and, in general, sought to justify Britain's
intervention on behalf of the KLA.

Since the situation in Macedonia is so different than in Kosovo, the
British press is left with a conundrum: either don't advocate sending
British troops, or else find a way, and fast, of making the Macedonian
crisis into another Kosovo -- that is, another humanitarian crusade for
Mr. Blair.

Those Slavs Are Angry, Angry, Angry!

They have chosen the latter. The first step in transforming the
Macedonians into those "murderous" Serbs is to describe them by the
blanket term "Slavs."

The word "Slav" is a blanket term which lumps together all of the
nationalities which separated off after the Slavic invasions of the
Balkans during the 7th century. As such, it is a perfectly legitimate
descriptor, in the same way that the word "Celts" is used to describe
the ancient settlers of Ireland, Scotland and parts of France, or that
the term "Native Americans" is used to describe the hundreds of
different tribes that covered North America before the arrival of the
European colonists.

As for "Slavs," this extended ethnic family includes, but is not limited
to, the Russians, Serbians, Ukrainians and Macedonians. The Bulgarians,
who have their origins in ancient Turkic tribes, were Slavicized
culturally and by intermarriage with the invaders. The Macedonians are
proud of their Slavic heritage, but resent that the Western media will
not call them what they believe themselves to be -- Macedonians.

The second problem with the name "Slavs," is that it feeds into a chain
of associations which link the Macedonians to the Serbians, and
eventually, back to the Russians -- and therefore implies that the
Macedonians are just the latest strain of the virulent Slavic plague on
humanity. Inaccuracy and implication wed here to create an unflattering
portrayal of the Macedonians, who are always described as being "angry"
and "rampaging."

The combination of the inaccuracy of nomenclature and the sordid
implication of irrational anger masks the fact that, yes, the
Macedonians have quite a lot to be angry about -- and that, all things
considered, they have been remarkably docile so far.

The Terrible Scouge of 'Hardline Nationalism'

The media's most insidious manipulation of the Macedonian crisis has to
be the continued use of the term "hardline nationalist" to denote anyone
who has not automatically caved in to the demands of the NLA. The term
"nationalist" connotes, by association, images of recalcitrant Balkan
thugs inflicting genocidal campaigns of terror against defenseless
ethnic minorities. The term "hardline" is used to describe someone who
is unyielding and who will not compromise in any negotiations. Taken
together, the phrase "hardline nationalist" just seems to cry out for
intervention against said boorish thugs.

Macedonian Prime Minister Georgievski and Interior Minister Boskovski
have especially been singled out as "hardline nationalists," as they
have consistently stood up for their country in the face of extreme
Western pressure to cave in to the demands of the NLA.

Further damning them, in the eyes of the pro-intervention media, has
been their stated desire to use all necessary force to remove the
terrorists from their positions, and so eliminate the threat to
Macedonia's stability.

Yet it is hard to imagine that Tony Blair would be decried as a
"hardline nationalist" if the IRA attacked London, and he tried to stop
them by force. And say that the IRA then demanded a rewrite of British
laws to win "more rights," such as a veto power over Parliament -- would
the press condemn Tony as a "hardline nationalist" for refusing them?
And what about if they demanded that Gaelic be made an official
language?

The Benevolence of the 'International Community'

In matters of intervention, the media often makes reference to an
enlightened and benign body, known as the "international community."
This group is never defined by name; there is nowhere to place blame or
attach responsibility, although reporters always seem to find
"high-ranking diplomats" or "international monitors," or, even more
suspicious, "sources" who are glad to share their "concern" over such
things as the "peace process" and "human rights."

In the case of Macedonia, the "international community" is really quite
homogenous: it is the NATO
governments, under the rule of the U.S., and to a lesser extent,
Britain. Words used in the context of the "international community"
include "support," "cooperate," "agreement," "confidence-building,"
"foster," "deploy," and "secure." These are all very benign and laudable
terms -- but they are seldom accurate in the case of Macedonia.

Christopher Deliso

Antiwar.com http://english.pravda.ru/yougoslavia/2001/09/05/14314.html









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