*** PRESS REVIEW September 1 - 7, 2001
*# PRESS IN BELGRADE
## POLITIKA, Sep. 3, 2001
** BALKAN STATES SIGN DECLARATION ON PROMOTION OF HEALTH SIGNED
Today in Dubrovnik ministers of health of seven Balkan countries -
Albania, Bosnia & Hezegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Romania, Macedonia and
Yugoslavia - signed a declaration in which they commit themselves to
work on the promotion of health in this region and ensure equal access
to health protection for all people. (...)
During the three-day conference that ended today, projects were
presented for the promotion of health in order to attract donors. Some
of the projects have already met with good response of the donors
present at the conference, such as the World Bank, Department of
International Relations of the government of Great Britain, Greece and
Slovenia.
The conference was organised by the Council of Europe and regional seat
of the World Health Organisation.
Tanjug
## GLAS JAVNOSTI, Sep. 4, 2001
Are the factions of Shiptar military just a screen for a new state in
the region?
** BLOOD, DRUGS AND ARMS FOR GREATER ALBANIA
(...) The concept of Albanian National Army (ANA) means radicalisation
of the conflict with full consideration of the existence of military
guerilla (terrorist movement) in the Balkan for the union of the
Albanians. ANA, Tomislav Kresovic, publisher and analysts of Bina
agency, explains, will not be a firm and homogeneous ethnic, terrorist
and extremist organisation, but it will offer support to the objectives
and interests of the Albanians in the struggle for independence in
Kosovo and Metohija, federalisation of Macedonia and special status in
the south of Serbia, but also in Montenegro and Greece. The Albanian
movement will be ready to raise up to 30 thousand trained "combatants"
with the support of about 20 thousand mafia soldiers and hundreds of
millions of dollars that will be allocated to keep the Balkan crisis
going. Albanian terrorism also makes sure that its armed rebellion is
followed by action of NATO - its protectorate or "special operations".
In this way indirectly the powerful states of NATO (primarily the USA)
give support to the operation of ANA's terrorist organisations which
would be the political test-paper of inter-ethnic conflicts in the
Balkan.
"Activation of ANA is a reflection of the conflict among terrorist
factions concerning the ambition of Albanian political emigrants or
Albanian mafia to continue stirring up the Greater Albanian crisis in
the Balkan, because it ensures war profits and an influence on the
political trends in South Eastern Europe. The political concept of
Greater Albania is just a political mask for the achievement of
mafia-plundering goals and spreading of the influence among the
Albanian ethnic population in the Balkan... Main centres are in Prizren,
Kosovo and Metohija, Kuks and Tropoja, Albania, the regions at the foot
of Mount Sara and in the surroundings of Tetovo in Macedonia, and among
emigrants in Germany and Switzerland", says Kresovic. (...)
Ljiljana Staletovic
## VREME: Sep. 6, 2001
CONFLICTS IN DOS
** MIHAJLOVIC INTERROGATED BY THE POLICE
While the leaders of DOS are busy dealing with unrealistic ambitions and
petty deceptions, nobody wonders who and how would do a better job in
the police than Dusan Mihajlovic, nor has anybody offered a better
candidate, let alone a platform, idea or project. As if Milosevic's
Ministry of Internal Affairs is quite good for them all, but as long as
they are the ones to get hold of it
(...) Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) and its newly won allies cannot
forgive majority of DOS, especially Mihajlovic and Batic, for the arrest
of Slobodan Milosevic and his extradition to the Hague, and for opening
the cases of mass graves, refrigerator trucks and other unpleasant
details. Indeed, people from DSS have said so several times.
Encouraged by what they rashly tend to believe is a dramatic increase of
the number of members of their party, they allowed themselves to
haughtily discard, for example, the kidnapping of Ivan Stambolic as an
"internal communist showdown" probably connected with what Kostunica and
Mira Markovic call "raising of the heads of the forces defeated at the
eighth session" (of the communist party). The agitation with which
Kostunica allows himself to attack Predrag Koraksic (cartoonist) and
then Danas daily causes concern in itself; and just to be remembered -
Slobodan Milosevic has never allowed himself anything of the kind. (...)
Milos Vasic
## NIN, Sep. 6, 2001
Interview: Rory O'Sulliven, Head of the mission of the World Bank for
Yugoslavia
** WE WILL NOT PAINT BELGRADE RED
(...) "The reforms are going very well and very quickly. What amazes
donors and a large number of financial institutions such as the World
Bank, IMF or EBRD, is the speed at which the reforms are planned and
carried out and we hope the people here see that. If people do not get
tired of reforms, if they unite around them, the situation could rapidly
be improved. This is one of the best examples of reforms in Eastern,
Central and South-Eastern Europe", says NIN's interlocutor whose custom
is to look every skeptic in the eye and ask: And what to do you think it
will be like in two or three years?
- Although you are an optimist, aren't you concerned because of the
political crisis in Yugoslavia?
"We are concerned by instability because it draws money away. If some
people think that members of parliament should spend time in futile
discussions and not deal with the needs of the people, if the parliament
does not concentrate on passing laws that should improve the economic
climate, the present support of the world Yugoslavia has will indeed be
shaken, investments may come in slowly... And if they see what was seen
at the donors' conference when Yugoslav ministers excelled and the
donors competed to offer help, it will be much easier for the people to
endure what they are going through now. Imagine how faster the changes
would be if all united forces in reconstruction of the country. When you
know what capabilities and experience people here have, it really should
not last long. (...)
Tanja Jakobi
*# PRESS IN PRISTINA
## ZERI, Sep. 5, 2001
** ALL SERB OPTIONS ON KOSOVO
Many Western diplomats who visit Belgrade and then come to Pristina
bring along the intimate impression of many Serb politicians that Kosovo
is lost for Serbia for good. Of course, they lay the blame for it on the
former regime - Slobodan Milosevic's. Nevertheless, specific political
actions of the new Serbian regime are quite contrary to this "intimate
impression" that is presented to Western diplomats. A few days ago
representatives of Vojislav Kostunica's Democratic Party of Serbia
launched a new proposal of territorial reorganisation of Serbia
according to which Serbia would consist of six autonomous provinces. One
of them would be Kosovo. In their public appearances all Serbian
officials demanded division of Kosovo on ethnic grounds. In the past few
weeks Nebojsa Covic, Serbian deputy prime minister, showed that he
intended to deal with the question of Kosovo. Finally the situation in
Northern Mitrovica - in the north of Kosovo, is such that the Serbs over
there are not at all wrong when they say that they feel like in Serbia
there: they in fact are part of Serbia. When all that is taken into
account, it turns out that in case of Kosovo Serbian regime is gambling
on all possible variants: from the policy of return of Kosovo into FRY
and Serbia "step by step", a combination of public cooperation with
UNMIK and KFOR and actual confrontation with them in the north of
Kosovo, simultaneous registration of the Serbs and boycott of the
elections, all the way to keeping alive the idea of the division of the
territory of Kosovo. Therefore, we are still far from definite settling
of accounts in the relations between Kosovo and Serbia.
Blerim Shala
## KOHA DITORE, Sept. 6, 2001
** ACCUSATION OF NEIGHBOURS
1. A year and a half ago I invited Prime Minister of Macedonia to a
meeting in Pristina titled "Kosovo and Its Neighbours". I had in mind
that sooner or later Kosovo would be forced to formulate its policy of
good neighbourly relations, as part of its state building. And
Macedonian Prime Minister was a good interlocutor for continuation of
the promising relations between Kosovo and Macedonia. First, because
during his term in office in a coalition with ADP, there was an advance
of the rights of the Albanians, which was very encouraging when one has
in mind that Georgijevski was the one who had founded VMRO - the party
with expressed anti-Albanian stands. Second, because post-war Kosovo
offered a new chance to both countries: Kosovo had turned into the first
business partner of Macedonian economy, creating for the first time not
just high export of goods but also budgetary surplus. These two elements
should have been a sign for overcoming the difficult situation created
by Macedonian official anti-Albanian policy during the eighties and the
restrictive concept of the rights of the Albanians in democratic
Macedonia. Even because of the atmosphere in which Kosovar war refugees
were constantly used by Macedonian government as small change in deals
with international community aimed at collecting money that forced
Albanian families in Macedonia to bear the entire burden of the drama of
refugees. At the departure from the meeting, Mr. Georgijevski expressed
satisfaction and interest that such meetings continue and even
successfully tackled a wave of nationalistically intoned criticism that
swept over him after return from Pristina.
2. Two days ago, that very Prime Minister accused me in Macedonian
parliament that I was the power behind the war in Macedonia. He put that
in the context of accusations against protective forces of Kosovo, by
repeating the thesis on importation of the conflict from Kosovo and by
pinpointing my role as the liaison between Albanian parties,
"terrorists" and international observers.
It is not my aim to say anything about my role. It is no secret that I
have met with Albanian parties and with international mediators, and in
order to establish that no special intelligence service is needed. All
my meetings took place in public. I have also met with the commander of
NOV and therefore Prime Minister Georgijevski did not need data from
secret services; this information was sent to him by Western diplomats
at my request.
One of the consequences of this engagement, along with others, was the
consensus in favour of united, democratic and multiethnic Macedonia
achieved between military and political protagonists in Prizren and
finally, the possibility for peace that has opened with the Ohrid
agreement.
If that is the case, that is, if the engagement of the Albanians was
explicitly turned towards the end of the war and development of a
democratic society, the problem is not in my engagement, but in one of
the current fundamental problems: Mr. Georgijevski does not see the
possibility of peace for the Albanians as equals in Macedonia. He
demonstrated that during the past six months, promising just more war in
order to end the war, promising more fire in order to extinguish fire.
And now, as an explanation he resorts to the old Soviet doctrine
interpreted in our circumstances: the Albanian citizens in Macedonia are
not the problem, but those outside it who are stirring up the conflict.
In this context of paranoia, I was mentioned, too...
Veton SURROI
*# PRESS IN BANJA LUKA
## NEZAVISNE NOVINE, Sep.4, 2001
** OFFICIALS AND MORALITY
Ivanic's minister (Latinovic) publicly asked Dodik's assistant minister
(Kesica) to give back the mobile phone he illegally kept after his term
in office had expired. He also demanded that he pay the damage for the
destroyed government car amounting to about 10 thousand marks. Why
should the state pay for calls such as "Hello, dear"? The parliament of
Slovenia allocated 340 thousand marks for the use of mobile phones of
its parliamentarians and officials every month, and it is taking
measures to reduce this sum. Have our parliamentarians and our
government ever stated how much they pay for the expenses made by mobile
phones of the officials and employees.
Branko Peric
## NEZAVISNE NOVINE, Sep. 5, 2001
** IN LIMBO
The problems arising in resolving the question of refugees in Kotorski,
Bocinja, Drvar and other places in B&H are an expression of
irresponsible policy pursued when this part of the population is
concerned. It is symptomatic that the problems with granted lots as a
rule happen to refugees, because when land is granted to the ruling
elite and members of their families, care is strictly taken that the
land is legal in terms of land registry, because deserving citizens do
not take dubious lots.
Radomir Neskovic
## NEZAVISNE NOVINE, Sep. 7, 2001
** STRICTLY CONTROLLED SESSIONS
The democratic nature of state authorities is easily recognised for its
openness and public work. Reducing accessibility to public scrutiny
threatens human rights and freedoms in two ways, because it deprives the
citizens of the right to be informed and at the same time deprives them
of the right to affect the work of state authorities. The communist
style of work has become the main method in discharging public and state
affairs in RS where state agencies and institutions do not make
decisions according to the principle of division of power based on
constitutional provisions, but at informal meetings, and then just
execute them in official institutions.
Radomir Neskovic
## NEZAVISNE NOVINE, Sep. 8-9, 2001
** CARLA DEL PONTE'S MESSAGE
Chief prosecutor of the Hague Tribunal has given another chance to local
courts and therefrom to B&H to finally stop politicising cases in local
courts, which is a specific test for professionalism and independence of
the judiciary as one of the basic criteria that need to be met in order
to join European institutions.
Josip Blazevic
end
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