As long as duties and
responsibilities aren't precisely divided in Serbia, workers, candidates for The
Hague and unsatisfied heroes will keep moving between Kostunica and Djindjic,
always assured that it's better at the other side. The problem is that the Red
Berets carry arms
By Zeljko Cvijanovic
When
the Red Berets started toward Belgrade in armor vehicles on Monday morning,
politicians were in panic. Was it a coup d'etat? No, it was only a
rehearsal.
Nobody knew where the Red Berets would stop: in the Serb government, in the Serb Radio and Television, in parliament, in the Secret Police headquarters, in the Institute of Safety or in Gepratova Street where Zoran Djindjic and the former commander of the Unit for Special Operations Milorad Ulemek Legija had a historic dialogue last year.
The entire police was awake and on the alert at 5:30 a.m. However, they didn't show readiness to fight against the Red Berets: those who were ready to support the Serb government with arms lacked power and those who had power were not ready to fight.
It showed an imbalance in the Serb regime: concept and steel divided. It showed that the Serb power was lingering down the streets a year after Milosevic and that a hundred of dangerous guys could have grabbed it if they wanted to.
The story about the Red Berets started in Milosevic's era, continued in Gepratova Street last October and was cemented last December when Zoran Djindjic said for NIN magazine: "I'm sure that most of them (policemen of Milosevic's era) are at the Hague's lists; to be precise, I know that some of them are at the lists because I checked that in the meantime. I would rather withdraw from politics in private life than extradite them to The Hague. It's my absolutely firm attitude."
Zoran Djindjic and Legija reached an agreement but it was later changed several times. The agreement was changed for the first time in June, when Legija was dismissed from the position of the commander of the Unit for Special Operations (USO), when Djindjic couldn't defend him any more being exposed to the public pressure. After that event, the USO began appearing in black chronicles. The deal was breached for the third time, when Carla Del Ponte announced that she started an investigation against Jovica Stanisic and Franko Simatovic (two icons of the USO), which made every USO member wonder what would happen to him. When America promised money to Serbia if it met all The Hague's demands within six months, the Red Berets and a great part of the police stopped trusting Zoran Djindjic.
Djindjic's actions in the police, which he seemed to control, failed that moment. It happened because his aspirations after control couldn't satisfy both Minister Boza Djelic and workers, both profiteers and anti-profiteers, both Carla Del Ponte and the Red Berets, both Zeljko Mitrovic and Veran Matic.
Following the orders, the Red Berets caught Banovic brothers at the market in Obrenovac and packed them for The Hague. They claim that they didn't know whom they exactly arrested. Touched with the brothers' destiny, they found an excuse in the lack of legalism and adequate law on cooperation with The Hague's Tribunal.
As far as the foreign demands are concerned, the main difference between Djindjic and Kostunica is that Djindjic is working and singing while Kostunica is working and groaning. The fact that Kostunica is mostly groaning indicates that Djindjic took over the entire work. It also means that the Red Berets won't find their new protector in Kostunica.
What will happen? Several outcomes are possible. It may happen that Djindjic doesn't ask Kostunica to announce his stance because Kostunica and Pavkovic might quench the fire showing Djindjic the tragic difference between his appetites and capacities of his stomach. Fearing of Kostunica and Pavkovic, Djindjic might make a deal and repeat his promises to the red Berets. However, the entire thing might be interpreted as a coup d'etat. It would be obvious if Djindjic informed The Hague and Washington that the arrangement was stopped and that he would call them back in several years after solving internal problems.
The third possibility is a typical military coup, after which the Serb government would have at least six Ministries of Police. Djindjic might take a firm stance and dismiss the Red Berets, proclaim them illegally armed citizens and take the Sheriff's badge.
The only reasonable solution would be a precise division of responsibilities in Serbia but it suits neither to Djindjic nor Kostunica. Djindjic doesn't want to share power and Kostunica doesn't want to share responsibilities. As long as duties and responsibilities aren't clearly divided in Serbia, workers, candidates for The Hague and unsatisfied heroes will keep moving between Kostunica and Djindjic, always assured that it's better at the other side. The problem is that the Red Berets carry arms and have the habit of using them when they find it necessary. So, it's not amusing any more.
