New York Times
October 7, 2001
Editorial
>From Russia, With Realism
  
Russia's president, Vladimir Putin, has been quick to align himself with

American diplomatic and even military initiatives in the aftermath of
the 
Sept. 11 terrorist attacks. For this, he deserves Washington's gratitude
and 
respect. But any substantive changes in American policies involving
Russia 
must still be evaluated on an issue-by-issue basis. In some areas, like
arms 
control and combatting terrorism, Washington's interests and Moscow's 
generally coincide. In others, like the defense of human rights in
Chechnya 
and nuclear assistance to Iran, they do not. 

Arguing that both countries face a common threat from radical Islamic 
terrorism, Mr. Putin has taken dramatic steps that no recent Russian
leader 
would have contemplated. He agreed, for example, to share intelligence 
information on Afghanistan, and he approved the idea of America's
stationing 
troops on the soil of Central Asia's former Soviet republics. In doing
so, he 
has challenged the views of many Russian military officers and of
powerful 
nationalist and Communist parliamentary blocs.

Mr. Putin clearly expects that his friendship will be rewarded down the
road 
with more forthcoming American policies on a range of issues from
Chechnya to 
missile defense to the future of NATO. 

The Bush administration needs to be cautious about what kinds of
concessions 
it will make. Already, Washington appears to be deliberately, and
wrongly, 
downplaying the issue of Russian human rights violations in Chechnya.
Moscow 
has long claimed that Osama bin Laden and his allies have been training 
Chechen independence fighters, and it portrays the Chechen fighting as 
primarily a battle against radical Islamic terrorism. But the conflict 
between Russians and Chechens goes back centuries, and the two Russian 
military offensives there over the past decade have been accompanied by
the 
brutal and widespread abuse of innocent civilians. Washington should
continue 
to protest this inexcusable behavior.

There may be more room for mutual accommodation on missile defense. The 
prominence of this issue has receded since Sept. 11. But the idea of 
Washington's moving on its own to abandon the 1972 Antiballistic Missile

Treaty makes even less sense now than it did a month ago. The
administration 
should concentrate instead on a more modest plan to reach an agreement
with 
Russia that would permit limited missile defenses without unraveling
valuable 
arms control accords between the two countries. 

Mr. Putin also wants to reconsider Russia's traditionally adversarial 
relations with NATO, as he indicated on his visit to the alliance's 
headquarters in Brussels last Wednesday. He suggested that Moscow may
drop 
its reflexive opposition to former Soviet republics, like the Baltic 
countries of Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia, ever joining NATO. Those 
countries' applications should be evaluated on their own merits. 

But Mr. Putin stated that warmer Russian relations with NATO depended on

changes in the nature of the alliance that would make it more of a
political 
organization than a military pact. That will need to be carefully
explored. 
The importance of NATO's military dimension was demonstrated in Kosovo
and 
newly underscored when the alliance invoked its mutual defense clause in

response to last month's terror attacks on the United States. 

Mr. Putin's strong support for America in the fight against terrorism
has 
opened the way to a warmer, more constructive relationship between
Russia and 
the United States. Much hard work will be needed, on both sides, to
fulfill 
that hopeful promise. 

                                   Serbian News Network - SNN

                                        [EMAIL PROTECTED]

                                    http://www.antic.org/

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