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May 15, 2002

The Honorable Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Chairman
The Senate Foreign Relations Committee
221 Russell Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510

Dear Senator Biden,

I am writing you in behalf of a large segment of the Serb-American
community, which the Serbian Unity Congress represents. Our many friends
and we are deeply troubled and concerned with your recent speech at the
meeting of the Albanian-American Friendship Society. Reportedly, you
have
set forth four conditions for support of the United States of
Yugoslavia.
Namely, Yugoslavia must (1) "stop influencing" the Republica Srpska
entity
in Bosnia, (2) fulfill its obligations to the Hague Tribunal, (3) stop
division of the town of Kosovska Mitrovica and stop "negatively
influencing
Kosovo" (currently under control of the KFOR and international
community)
and (4) publicly apologize for genocide in Kosovo, Croatia and Bosnia.

If this is correct, the first two conditions are known, the other two
are
brand new. Thus, our first question, if we may: are we moving the
proverbial goal post once again? At what point will we stop re-creating
preconditions for normal relationship with Serbia?

Our second question, which indeed profoundly concerns us, deals with the
matter of apologies. First, it seems, we must place the war for the
Yugoslav succession in its proper perspective; that is, reputable
scholars
have defined it as a civil war. So has the Hague Tribunal itself. Any
civil war is the worst of wars, witness our own between the North and
the
South. In such wars, there are no angels. Our task is to respond with
integrity and not to use double standards. Violence and murder are
wrong,
whether they are "theirs or ours."

Not far from the Capitol Hill is the Holocaust Museum. It contains
inconvertible evidence about genocide committed against Serbs in Croatia
and
Bosnia by the Independent (Nazi) State of Croatia and Moslem SS Handzar
division during the 1941-1944 period. The fact of the matter is that
more
Serbs were murdered in the death camp of Jasenovac alone in a few years
than
the Croatian or Moslem civilians were killed by the Serbs in a few
centuries!

Hundreds of thousands of civilians - men, women, children were wantonly
tortured, murdered, thrown alive into deep mountains pits, burned in
their
churches and homes. Possibly close to one million perished. Their only
guilt
was that they had been Serbs.

Now, Senator, it happens that those innocent victims were fathers,
mothers,
aunts and uncles, cousins and neighbors of the present-day Serbs of
Bosnia
and Croatia who also said: NEVER AGAIN.

These were Serbs who could not accept Izetbegovic's "Islamic
Declaration."
They fought the Bosnian Moslems and al Qaeda mujahedins, as well as the
resurrected ideology of the Nazi State of Independent Croatia as
embodied in
the late President Tudjman.

Who should start apologizing?

More Serbs have been ethnically cleansed during 1992-1999 than any other
group in Yugoslavia.

By far the largest and most premeditated single action of ethnic
cleansing
of the Yugoslav civil war occurred in August of 1995. Croatia expelled
200,000 of its citizens of Serbian origin from their ancestral lands in
Kraina and Slavonia. In the process, many homes were totally destroyed
and
civilians murdered.

Let's look at Kosovo. The KFOR troops entered Kosovo and Metohija in
June of
1999. Since their arrival, over 300,000 Serbs were ethnically cleansed
from
their ancestral lands, their homes destroyed and properties looted. More
than 100 Serbian Orthodox churches and medieval monasteries have been
razed
to the ground. Official statistics reveal that Albanian extremists have
murdered approximately 2,000 Serbs. This is apparently more than the
number
of Albanians died in fighting prior to and during the NATO intervention.
All this is well documented by international agencies involved with
Kosovo.

To put all this in the proper context and historical perspective, I wish
to
ask just one more question, Senator: when peace comes over the
smoldering
ruins of the present-day Israel and Palestine, whom do you think you
will
ask to apologize?

I know that you are extremely busy. Nonetheless, considering the gravity
and
far-reaching impact of these matters, we would indeed appreciate your
reply
and the opportunity to learn more about your views.

Sincerely yours,


Michael Djordjevich
President
Serbian Unity Congress

cc: Members of the Foreign Relations
Committee, United States Senate

-----

May 20, 2002

The Honorable Colin L. Powell
Secretary of State
United States Department of State
2201 C Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20520

Dear Mr. Secretary,

We understand that Mr. Bajram Redzepi, the leader of the Provincial
Assembly
of Kosovo will be visiting with you this week. Among many important
issues,
such as international smuggling of drugs, trafficking in humans and
economic
aid, we have no doubt that the future status of the province will be the
key
topic of discussions.

The United States engagement in the Balkans during the past decade
provides
a textbook illustration of the dangers of short-term crisis management.
What began as emergency diplomatic reaction escalated to controversial
armed
intervention and lives on as an open-ended commitment to "nation
building."
We believe that President Bush and you wish to reorient our policy in
the
Balkans and to bring our commitment to a level commensurate with our
rational interest in the region. Nonetheless, we hasten to point out
that
there is a host of unresolved and vexing issues left over from the
Clinton-Albright policy mismanagement in the region. Self-sustaining and
durable regional stability remains a worthy albeit difficult and elusive
objective. The future of Kosovo is at the center of this problem.

The current state of affairs in Kosovo is far from normal. In fact, it
is
rather dismal. Since arrival of the KFOR troops to the province in June
of
1999, over 250,000 Serbs and other ethnic minorities have been
ethnically
cleansed from their ancestral lands, their homes destroyed and
properties
looted. More than 100 Serbian Orthodox churches and medieval monasteries
have been razed to the ground. Official statistics reveal that Albanian
extremists murdered close to 2,000 Serbs, while 1,600 are still missing.
Serbian monasteries and a few remaining villages resemble fortifications
guarded by the KFOR around the clock. There has been no return of
refugees,
while guarantees of basic human rights are non-existent. Moreover,
Kosovo
continues to be a growing European cancer of criminality.

There can be no serious and responsible discussion of the Kosovo problem
without dealing with the issue of the "Greater Albania." Succinctly, the
idea of a "Greater Albania" is essentially a nationalistic construct.
Its
driving energies spring from the Albanian vision of their ethnic borders
and
territories "Albanianized" by Albanian settlers during past century. The
first successful implementation of this concept took place in 1941, when
a
"Greater Albania" was created as a fascist Italian protectorate and
lasted
until the defeat of the Axis forces. As in the recent case after the
NATO
intervention, the Albanians forcibly expelled the non-Albanian
population
from the areas of their control during the World War II. The current
drive
for an independent and a monoethnic Kosovo, therefore, is nothing but a
phase in the process leading to fulfillment of a nationalistic dream.
Since
the Albanians will not accept the death of this dream, the problem seems
to
be insolvable.

The Albanians must be unequivocally told that continuing the quest for a
"Greater Albania" would permanently destabilize the region, as it would
demand redrawing the borders of Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Greece
and,
very likely, Bosnia. The United States should encourage reasonable
leaders
on all sides of the issue to understand that differences must be settled
by
negotiations rather than force. The overall goal should be
self-sustaining
regional stabilization leading to democratic consolidation and economic
revival.

Sincerely,

Michael Djordjevich
President
Serbian Unity Congress

 


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