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September 5, 2002


Illusions of Truth and Justice

The Hague Inquisition�s Factory of Lies

After a month-long hiatus, Slobodan Milosevic�s show trial before the
Hague Inquisition reopened last week. As expected, no one looked back on
the prosecution�s fiasco just before the recess, when their star witness
turned around and exonerated Milosevic. Rade Markovic, former head of
Serbian State Security, also accused the new Belgrade authorities of
abuse and suborning perjury.

But there was no talk of forced testimonies when the "trial" resumed.
Markovic was disappeared down the memory hole, and no one in officialdom
seems concerned about his fate. Yet that would be a legitimate concern,
given the propensity of Inquisition�s prisoners to end up dead or worse.

Having failed to bully Markovic into fingering his former president, the
Inquisition finds itself running both out of time and out of lies. With
only a week or so remaining for the Kosovo stage of the process, they
have opted to recycle old, debunked accusations in a last-ditch effort
to sling enough mud so some of it would stick.

The Impossible Prison Massacre

Much of last week�s proceedings revolved around the allegation, brought
forward by two KLA members, that Serbian police massacred the inmates of
Dubrava prison near Istok, just after NATO bombed the penitentiary. The
media had a field day with this. Not only did they describe Musa
Krasniqi, the first KLA witness, as a "physics teacher" and buried the
references to his KLA membership elsewhere in their dispatches, they
also presented his allegations as factual. Similar treatment was given
the other witness, Gani Beqaj, though his peacetime profession was never
mentioned. Perhaps it lacked that "instant credibility" of teaching
physics�

According to Krasniqi and Beqaj, the prisoners were rounded up in the
courtyard, then machine-gunned. Those who escaped (how?) were hunted
down with hand grenades for two days. Yet both of them, and many other
prisoners, stayed alive and unharmed. They were later transferred to
other prisons and "told to say all prisoners were killed by NATO."

One can be forgiven for thinking this story somewhat less than
plausible, and it�s obvious as to why. Even the dumbest criminal out
there would never tell his intended victims they were about to be killed
as part of a frame-up, then leave many of them alive and unharmed. And
Milosevic is accused of being a criminal mastermind who "covered up his
crimes" so well that the Inquisition can�t find any evidence of it!

Wisdom of the BBC

The triumphant Inquisitors next referred to a Human Rights Watch report
about the incident. The report was, naturally, based on interviews with
"NATO and former Dubrava inmates," and not those evil, deceptive Serbs,
so it must be true, right?

The highlight of the show was Jackie Rowland of the BBC, who volunteered
to testify even as many of her colleagues were protesting the decision
to subpoena (Western) journalists against their will. In a passionate
recounting of her testimony for the Guardian, Rowland reveals her
arrogance and ignorance. She mistook sarcasm for praise, proudly spouted
inaccurate "history," and provided the entire sordid affair with a
delightfully quotable but utterly meaningless "expert opinion":

"If I look at you now, Mr Milosevic, I can see that you have both your
arms. I can see the features on your face. I can see that your body is
intact. If however, you were hit by a bomb � heaven forbid � I think I
would be able to tell by looking at your body whether that was the
manner of your death."

But neither Milosevic, nor anyone in the Serbian government, ever
claimed that each and every prisoner at Dubrava was killed by a direct
hit of a NATO bomb. Fewer people are killed by direct bomb hits than by
lightning. When a building is bombed, people are killed by debris,
shockwave, shrapnel, even airburst. Rowland was making a dumb statement
and being snooty about it.

Absent Men and Albanian Songs

The process continued this week with a witness who claimed only Albanian
houses in his town were burned. Behar Haxhiavdija told a sordid tale of
arson in his home town, but no one seemed to correct his geography:
"Gjakova," the town mentioned in agency reports, is the Albanian name
for occupied Djakovica. Language aside, one glaring inconsistency found
its way to an AP report of Haxhiavdija�s tale:

"Most of the victims were dragged from the basement and shot, but his
5-year-old son was put in a cupboard and burned alive, said a witness
who was hiding in a house nearby." [emphasis added]

Was this Haxhiavdija speaking, or another witness? The indefinite
article suggests him quoting someone else, i.e. hearsay evidence. If he
was present, how did he survive? Such questions are not expected to come
up, given the shocking image of a 5-year-old burning in a cupboard. 

Another testimony featured a bereaved Lirij Imeraj, who claimed Serb
soldiers "singing in Serb-Croat language and Albanian," came to her
house in March 1999, and shot her husband and six children. Imeraj and
her three children survived and ran off to Montenegro (part of
Yugoslavia).

Why would soldiers on a murder spree spare a woman and three children,
but kill her husband and the other six? More to it, why would they be
singing in Albanian? Milosevic asked the same question, but Imeraj said
it was "impossible, not at all possible" that the killers were KLA. She
claims the murderers were Serbs, and that she knew them � yet she named
no names, at least none that appeared in the AP story covering the
testimony.

The Incredibly Elusive Fridge Trucks

Finally, this Tuesday, the prosecutors resurrected the accusation used
to abduct Milosevic and send him to The Hague: refrigerator trucks
filled with Albanians' bodies.

One Caslav Golubovic, whose position in the Serbian police hierarchy
agency reports never properly clarified, said a truck with 30 bodies was
pulled out of the Danube river in April 1999 (during the bombing).
Golubovic claimed the truck was blown up and the bodies removed under
orders from Vlajko Stojiljkovic, Serbia�s Interior Minister. He also
said the orders came to him through General Vlastimir Djordjevic.

There are several problems with Golubovic�s story. It conveniently
blames people who can�t be questioned: Djordjevic has disappeared, and
Stojiljkovic publicly committed suicide in April. Then there is an
exhaustive study by an American scholar, showing that the "refrigerator
truck" story was never more than a malicious, unsubstantiated rumor:
there has been no evidence to it whatsoever.

But the Inquisition certainly doesn�t care. Lack of evidence is by
itself evidence of Milosevic�s criminal mastermind, right? As long as
they can find some patsy to say the lines, they don�t need no stinkin�
evidence!

Perhaps one shouldn�t be so harsh on Golubovic. It�s hard to tell what
he actually said, given the agencies� habit of printing out-of-context
snippets in a sea of drivel. But that doesn�t change the fact that the
refrigerator truck story is bogus.

Burden of Proof

In a recent interview with a pro-NATO journalist and a leader of the
International Committee to Defend Milosevic (ICDSM), a BBC journalist
claimed the war crimes have been "proven." But where is the evidence?
All the world has heard so far have been the testimonies of dozens of
coached Albanian villagers, KLA leaders and sympathizers, NATO
officials, pro-NATO diplomats and journalists, and the Inquisition�s own
"experts". The "evidence" they produced would have been thrown out of
any American court any day of the week, and twice on Sunday.

Systematic Crimes

Now no one even remotely sane would dispute that the Yugoslav Succession
Wars (1991-95) and the conflict in Kosovo were rife with atrocities. The
real question is, were those atrocities systematic? 

It is obvious from the Inquisition�s indictments that the "international
community" (the Empire and its allies) believes that Serb atrocities
were systematic, while others were random. Only Serb government leaders,
in Bosnia as well as Serbia, stand accused of war crimes. Only Serbs are
charged with genocide � by definition, a systematic crime. Only Serbs
are accused of a "joint criminal enterprise."

Methods employed, or allegedly employed, by Milosevic�s government or
the Bosnian Serbs are routinely deemed genocidal and criminal, but when
employed by NATO, there is "no need for investigation." Same with the
U.S., Croatians, Bosnian Muslims or the KLA.

This makes sense only if seen through the logic of total war, where the
"righteous" can employ any means necessary to defeat the "evil."
Naturally, the definition of "righteous" and "evil" depends on who has
more bombs and better press coverage. 

Monsters� Ball

Of course, the state itself is a criminal institution, using coercion to
deprive its residents of their liberty, property and life (when it
fights wars, as most states do). So essentially, every head of state is
a criminal. From that standpoint, Slobodan Milosevic is clearly guilty
of being head of state, and doing what any head of state would do in his
place. And those persecuting him are no less guilty, of the same
infractions and then some. Yet they claim absolute innocence and the
right to judge others, as some sort of �ber-government.

Milosevic�s regime at least prosecuted several hundred soldiers and
militia who were accused of looting, murder, arson and other atrocities.
The world is yet to see any Imperial troops answer for their deeds: not
because there weren�t any � for there were, and plenty � but because the
Empire considers itself above the law. The Hague may be a monster�s
ball, but the monster is not Milosevic.

A Factory of Lies

Power needs no justification to act as it wishes, just as its "courts"
need no evidence to proclaim guilt. It does need, however, to
manufacture consent for its continued survival by creating perceptions
of righteousness and legitimacy. 

An amazing number of people still misguidedly believe that the Hague
Inquisition is a legitimate court, staffed by impartial prosecutors and
judges, which seeks to punish perpetrators of war crimes for the sake of
peace, justice and individualized guilt. 

But as real, not manufactured, evidence shows each day the charade
continues, the so-called "court" in the Netherlands is nothing more than
Empire�s vicious factory of lies.

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