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43

The Economist,

World/Europe

Russia's foreign policy

Vladimir Putin, friend or foe of the West?
Sep 19th 2002 | MINSK AND MOSCOW

Russia's recent behaviour has made some worry that it is thinking twice
about its rapprochement with the
West. Probably not so

TO A casual observer a year ago, it looked as if the September 11th
attacks had made President Vladimir Putin
decide to join the West. To a casual observer now, it might look as if
he has changed his mind. Having at first
stoutly backed America's war on terror, Russia seems to have shifted
recently: it has been cool about an invasion
of Iraq, uncomfortably warm towards America's "axis-of-evil" countries,
and ever more aggressive towards Georgia,
where some Chechen rebels seek refuge.

Last week Mr Putin even threatened to bomb Georgia's Pankisi
Gorge-something the Georgians have accused the
Russians of doing covertly in the past-because that is where Chechens
can hide out. Some Kremlin-watchers
believe that, under pressure from Moscow conservatives to stand up for
Russia's interests, Mr Putin is demanding a
quid pro quo from the gunslinging George Bush: we'll let you bomb your
enemy, if you let us bomb ours.

In reality, though, Mr Putin's critics both at home and abroad are
oversimplifying. Neither his original position nor his
current one are the knee-jerk reactions they seem. A pragmatist in
foreign policy as in everything else, he had
started looking for closer ties with America and Europe, and a bigger
role for Russia in international bodies, well
before September 11th last year. And his support after the attacks did
reap rewards. Both the United States and
the European Union awarded Russia "market-economy" status, and the
creation of a Russia-NATO council in May
marked an about-turn from Russia's previous hostility to the western
alliance.

Hardline Russians still complain that Mr Putin has let their country's
world position slip-for instance, by allowing
American troops into former Soviet Central Asia and by raising too few
objections to NATO membership for the
three Baltic republics. And in recent weeks Mr Putin did indeed appear
to thumb his nose at the Americans. He met
the Korean dictator, Kim Jong Il, and there was talk of a $40-billion
trade deal with Iraq and of building five more
nuclear reactors in Iran.

But the Russian president and Mr Kim had met before (anyway, Mr Kim
meets a lot more people than he used to).
And it was the Iraqis that brought up the subject of the deal-and
probably exaggerated its size. In any event,
staying friendly with such traditional allies is pragmatic and sensible,
not just for investment, which will be small,
but because Russia could be a mediator that one day helps even such
renegades as North Korea to open up.

Meanwhile, Russia's insistence on a UN solution to the Iraq conflict,
rather than an American-led invasion, has
pragmatic roots too. Permanent membership of the UN Security Council
offers one of the few levers of world power
that an impoverished Russia still has; it would not like to see the
Council ignored.

When necessary, the pragmatism also works the other way. For years
Belarus's president, Alexander Lukashenka,
has wheedled aid and concessions out of Russia while demanding a union
of the two countries as a thinly-disguised
way for him to become president of all the Russias. But the increasingly
dictatorial Mr Lukashenka has no friends in
the West. Even his own officials detest him, say foreign diplomats in
Minsk. And recently Mr Putin has grown visibly
tired of him too.

Last month he responded to Mr Lukashenka's integration proposals by
making one of his own: in essence, let the
Russian Federation absorb Belarus's seven regions, making the
Belarussian president redundant. Earlier this month
the Russian and Belarussian press published a transcript of a tapped
phone conversation, in which a Russian MP,
Boris Nemtsov, told a Belarussian opposition leader, Anatol Lyabedzka,
that the Kremlin was sympathetic to moves
to undermine Mr Lukashenka. Evidently, Mr Putin does not hold on to
traditional allies just for the sake of it.

The situation in Georgia is more worrying. Mr Putin timed his bombing
threat
to coincide both with the anniversary of the terror attacks in America
and
with President Bush's robust speech to the UN. Russia had often raised
the
topic of its campaign against Chechen rebels during UN discussions on
Iraq.
It certainly wanted the world to see the parallel. And American
officials
concede that their own country's experience of terror has certainly made
them more sympathetic to Russia's.

http://www.economist.com/images/20020921/CEU907.gif

But that does not necessarily mean Russia wanted a deal: a free hand in
Georgia in return for giving America a free hand over Iraq. While Mr
Bush
would probably like to attack Iraq, it is not clear that Mr Putin really
wants a
full-scale assault on northern Georgia. For one thing, it would be
messy. "I
don't think the Russian military is capable of clean surgical operations
in
Pankisi," says Dmitri Trenin, a defence expert at the Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace in Moscow. The posturing may just be Mr Putin's
concession to the hawks who think he
should be tougher both on Georgia-whose president, Edward Shevardnadze,
has enemies in Moscow-and on
America.

It may also reflect Mr Putin's own desperation. His harshness against
the Chechens first made him popular with
voters. But his failure to end the conflict could be a big weakness in
the next presidential election, in 2004. He may
not, in the end, be pushed to extreme measures, though his latest
tactics look thuggish. But rather than simply
condemning them, the Americans might be able to help both Russia and
Georgia co-operate to find a solution.

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