-----Original Message-----
From: [email protected] [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of
boba
Sent: Saturday, April 16, 2005 12:18 PM


RE: Comment: �Free� Press Failing Serbs 

I would consider the article -  �Free� Press Failing Serbs by Dragana
Nikolic-Solomon- hatemongering against the Serbs. There might be no "free"
press in Serbia, but there is certainly freedom of expression, judging by
the article written by Ms. Nikolic-Solomon.

Also, �Westerners� own many major media outlets in Serbia, which is why
people of Serbia have been brainwashed everyday with the Tribunal in The
Hague, Siptar�s rights on Kosovo and Metohija, and that being a member of
NATO and EU will bring prosperity to the Serbs. This is also why people of
Serbia do not hear much about the responsibility of NATO countries in
destruction of Serbia�s economics, environment, social and family
livelihood.

It was member countries of NATO who bombed Serbia, illegally and mercilessly
for 78 days in 1999 and not v.v. Siptars destroyed over 130 Serbian churches
and monasteries, burned Serb houses and killed and expelled over 250.000
Serbs out of their homeland, Kosovo and Metohija from
1999 - 2004 and on.  But Ms. Solomon wouldn�t know this, she is writing for
an outlet that appreciates �freedom of expression�! 

Boba

========
--antic --------
 
http://www.iwpr.net/index.pl?archive/bcr3/bcr3_200504_552_6_eng.txt


 Institute for War & Peace Reporting
 
Balkan Crisis Report
        
Comment: �Free� Press Failing Serbs 

Five years after the ousting of Slobodan Milosevic, chaos reigns on the
Serbian media scene. 

By Dragana Nikolic-Solomon in Belgrade (BCR No 552, 15-Apr-05) �There is
none of you who dares write your honest opinion, and if you were to do so,
you know beforehand that it would never appear in print�. Any of you who
would be so foolish as to write your honest opinions would be out on the
street looking for a new job.� 

These were the words of John Swinton, the former managing editor of the New
York Times spoken at the end of 19th century, to a person so na�ve as to
make a toast to a free press. 

Five years after the ousting of Slobodan Milosevic, Swinton�s remark
resonates more then ever in Serbia. 

Freedom of the press is not an issue here, the issue is rather how this
freedom is interpreted. On the one hand, in Serbia today this means
literally freedom to write and broadcast whatever you want. It means to
persistently call Kosovo Albanians �Shiptar terrorists�, to publish gory
pictures of dead people and to orchestrate smear campaigns targeting either
individuals, politicians or companies. Those are just some of the more
extreme examples of our freedom. 

On the other hand, a free economy means the media in Serbia today has to
sell copies in order to survive. International donors are slowly leaving the
Balkans, which has become �yesterday�s news�. 

Big businesses are now the new patrons of the media. They hold financial
control over the press by means of their advertising contracts, and they use
them as a means of protecting their interests. 

They lined their pockets during the Milosevic era and are busily reinventing
themselves as pioneers of democracy. They understand that the best way to
buy respectability in the new era is through the media. 

Due to the lack of investigative skills and their own survival instincts,
few media have ever questioned these people�s business activities. Just to
take one recent example, what lies behind the rapid decline of the national
airline JAT? Has this been orchestrated from the outside in order to sell
the company assets, which are going to be privatised for less money? People
surely have a right to know. 

Since the ousting of Milosevic in October 2000, few media outlets have
understood that they have to take the lead in order to initiate the
transformation of Serbian society. This is a nation visibly ravaged by
nationalism and war, which desperately needs shepherding along the path to a
better future. 

As a result, Serbia today is a society that lacks almost any consensus.
Rather than helping to form public opinion, the media is a space in which
various political and business interests converge, leaving the ordinary
citizen in confusion. 

Serbia still has to face its war crimes past. A few media outlets such as
B92 and the Belgrade daily Danas have tried to deal with the issue, but for
the rest it is a taboo or a turn-off. 

In the tabloids, hatred for The Hague war crimes court is a unifying force.
The Serbian media has done its bit in discrediting it and has had a clear
influence in shaping the public�s negative public opinion of the tribunal.
As a result, arresting war crimes suspects here means political suicide.
The
Hague court issue is also conspicuously absent from all election campaigns.


The vantage point of the war crimes indictees is the one that dominates the
media. The ordinary citizen rarely hears the victims� story. 

For example, Sreten Lukic won the sympathy and sympathetic outrage of large
sections of the Serbian media recently for the way in which he may, or may
not, have been dressed when he was taken to The Hague. Was the poor man
really taken away in his pyjamas? No questions were raised regarding the
attire of his Kosovo Albanian victims. 

Once again, we see compassion for war crimes suspects and none for those who
were killed and brutalised. 

The intimacy between the media and those branches of society that prosper in
the shadows, especially during the post-war transition period we are
experiencing now in Serbia, is responsible for a print and broadcast media
that fails in its duty to make the �smoke and mirrors� of
political-business-mafia alliances clear and comprehensible. 

These political-mafia-business affairs, scandals and intrigues abound in
Serbia today, as they have done for more then a decade. But the media,
rather than explaining, illuminating and enlightening them, simply cloaks
the mystery further in fog and so increases the public�s ambiguity. 

One case in point many will probably be familiar with is the forensic police
reports concerning the indictment of suspects in the assassination of the
late prime minister of Serbia, Zoran Djindjic. 

Questions were raised by the media about the credibility of every version of
events carried out in the investigation � even before the trial itself
started. Was he killed by two or three bullets? Was he facing the government
building or facing his car? Were there more people involved? Is this a fair
trial or just a political set up? 

At no point was a trustworthy scenario presented to the public. Once again,
ambiguity was sown in the minds of citizens regarding the who, the why and
the what of an event that will continue to shape their lives for a
generation. 

The Serbian media scene could be best described as pure chaos. It has not
been regulated since Milosevic�s time and includes more than a thousand
electronic media outlets that work with no broadcasting licence, lack of
transparent and visible ownership and newspapers which sprang out of nowhere
only to be closed when their purpose was fulfilled. The chaos is here to
stay because it serves some people�s interests. 

This chaos, in which information has become a commodity, will continue to
plague Serbian society until - as a result of international and internal
pressure and the help of international donors - it is finally resolved and
put straight. 

Dragana Nikolic-Solomon, IWPR�s Belgrade project director, gave this
presentation as part of a panel discussion on the role of the free press
organised by the Atlantic Council of Serbia and Montenegro and the Fund for
Peace on April 11.


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