Thu., October 27, 2005 Tishrei 24, 5766| <http://www.haaretz.co.il>
|Israel Time: 14:25 (EST+7)
Hrvoje Petrac. Among other things, the fugitive is associated with Croatian
General Ante Gotovina, one of the War Crimes Tribunal's most sought-after
wanted men. Photo by Reuters
A man called Peter
By Yossi Melman <mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Kobi Hayat learned one very important lesson from his short but nightmarish
cruise a couple of months ago: Never take aboard people you don't know. Not
even if they are Israelis looking for a "romantic cruise" along the coast of
Turkey. In any event, it is not wise to host an escaped criminal from
Croatia who is wanted for aiding a war criminal, even if he has a girlfriend
and a lawyer in Israel. A fee of $1,300 is definitely not worth a 12-day
detention and interrogations in a Turkish police station. And when that
befalls you, even connections in the Likud Central Committee and with
Israel's foreign minister are of no avail.
Hayat would rather remain anonymous. "I suffered enough from this affair and
I want to forget it," he says in a meeting in the Sharon region. But
unfortunately for him, he is already known to the Turkish police, the
Foreign Ministry and the Israel Police. He came to the meeting with
unconcealed reluctance. What he really wanted was not to tell his story, but
rather to find out how much is known about him and his arrest.
A tall 45-year-old, Hayat works for a shipping company. In his spare time he
cruises for pleasure and skippers sea vessels to earn extra money. He has a
skipper's certificate that enables him to sail yachts of various types. He
has been on dozens of cruises. But the last one, about two months ago, was
different.
His partner on the trip and in detention, Yaacov ("Vivi") Ben Kiki, also
does not want his name mentioned. Certainly not now, after the arrest caused
the collapse of his cruise business in Turkey. Hayat and Ben Kiki were
arrested there on suspicion of smuggling from Turkey to Greece, in return
for payment, Hrvoje Petrac, a Croat criminal whom the media in three Balkan
states describe as "one of the bosses of the Mafia." He is wanted by police
forces all over the world and is also on Interpol's wanted list. Also taking
part in the controversial cruise were two Israeli women, one of whom was
introduced to the skippers as Petrac's girlfriend, and lawyer Oren Mann, who
represents Petrac. The lawyer and the two women disembarked with Petrac on
the Greek island of Rhodes.
Hayat and Ben Kiki were arrested when they brought the yacht back to its
owner in Turkey. In contrast to the prevailing image of Turkish prisons,
their conditions of detention were reasonable, the two relate, each in a
different conversation. "True, it is not pleasant to be under arrest, but we
were not subjected to torture of any kind. We were not beaten and we were
not humiliated," Hayat says. "So I have no complaints about the Turkish
authorities. They did their job. When I told the interrogator that I was
innocent [using the English word] and acted in good faith, he replied, `You
may be innocent, but this is your destiny.'"
International warrant
The episode raises questions about the Israel Police, which allowed Petrac
to live in Israel for months, even though he was wanted around the world.
Why is it so easy for international criminals to find a haven in Israel?
This time, the affair might end in the courts - if not in Israel, then at
least in Europe. Despite the involvement of the Israelis, the attempt to
smuggle Petrac out failed. He is in detention in Greece, where legal
proceedings are under way to get him extradited to Croatia. He has already
been sentenced to six years in prison by a Zagreb court, and he will also be
questioned by investigators from the special International Criminal Tribunal
at The Hague. They want to question Petrac about the location of General
Ante Gotovina, one of the most wanted war criminals in the world.
Hrvoje Petrac fled from Croatia at the end of 2004 or in early 2005, shortly
before a court sentenced him, in February of this year, to prison for his
involvement in the kidnapping-for-ransom of a 17-year-old boy a year
earlier. The youth is the son of General Vladimir Zagorac, a former aide to
the Croatian defense minister and today one of the major arms dealers in the
country. According to reports in the Croatian media, Zagorac and Petrac were
partners who had a falling out.
Petrac did not appear for the court hearing and was declared a fugitive from
justice. An international arrest warrant was issued against him, and his
name and photograph were put on Interpol's wanted list. Acting through
Interpol, the Croatian police asked the Israel Police whether Petrac was
hiding in Israel, and if so, to arrest and extradite him.
"We examined their request," says Assistant Commander Irit Buton, head of
the special tasks department in the Investigations and Intelligence Branch
at the national headquarters of the Israel Police in Jerusalem. "It turned
out that he entered the country in March 2005 on a Croatian passport bearing
his name and that he was staying in the country. We informed the Croats that
under Israel's extradition laws, they would have to provide us with prima
facie evidence of the suspicions or the crimes for which he was convicted.
As soon as the evidence arrives, the Justice Ministry determines whether it
meets the demands of the extradition laws. The Croats did not send us the
evidence or any other material."
However, in April a Croatian delegation arrived in Israel, consisting of
representatives of the police, the justice ministry and the security
service. "We met with them," Buton continues. "They talked to us again about
their desire that we arrest and extradite him, because of his conviction in
connection with the kidnapping and ransom payment. But it was also hinted to
us that they were interested in him because of the suspicion that he has
ties with General Gotovina, who is wanted by the court in The Hague. We
explained to them the extradition procedures to which we are committed under
the law."
What happened next?
Buton: "The Croatians told us that the press in their country had wind of
the story and that they were trying to prevent the publication of reports
that Petrac was in Israel. But within a short time a report on the subject
appeared. In our opinion, Petrac fled with false papers in the wake of the
report."
What basis do you have for that assumption?
"There is no record of his departure at border control. He does not appear
as having left the country legally with the same passport he used to enter
Israel. We do not know how he left Israel, but we think he left by illegal
methods."
Change of plans
One day in August, Kobi Hayat got a call from a friend. The friend told him
that he was acting on behalf of a friend named Anat, who was looking for a
skipper to take her on a romantic cruise along the coast of Turkey. Hayat
took the job. "Anat called me from Turkey and said she was inviting a few
friends from Israel on the cruise. I concluded all the details with her,
including the fee and expenses they would pay me. I then received a call
from attorney Oren Mann, who said: `My client spoke with you and I have to
arrange a flight to Turkey for you.' On August 22 I flew to Dalaman airport
[on Turkey's Mediterranean coast], where a taxi driver waited for me and
drove me to the port of Gucek.
"I met with Anat that same evening and she introduced me to a man named
Peter. She told me that Peter, a Croat, was her boyfriend. They told me they
had already rented a yacht in my name. We slept on the yacht and the next
morning I went to the shipping company to do the paperwork. I showed them my
skipper's certificate, checked the equipment and made sure everything was in
proper order on the yacht. That took a few hours."
How much did the yachting company get paid?
Hayat: "They got $3,600 for a week-long cruise. That is considered cheap."
It was a Bavaria 49-class yacht, with sails and an auxiliary engine.
Attorney Mann boarded on the evening of August 23 and they set sail. "At
night we dropped anchor in some bay and slept on the yacht and the next
morning we continued the cruise," Hayat explains.
Did you talk to Peter during the trip?
"Yes. Regular conversations. Nothing personal. He said he was a businessman
and that he had a yacht that was anchored in Italy. I got the impression
that he knows about boats and the sea, but not so much about sailboats. He
also said he has a vineyard in Croatia and invited me to visit him."
At a certain stage, Hayat says, Anat, Peter and Mann told him there had been
a change of plan. The lawyer said he had to get back to Israel and Peter
said he had to get to Athens. "Because of the change of plans they asked me
to sail to Bodrum," Hayat says. "There they would disembark and catch
flights, while I was to take the yacht back to Gucek."
Did you agree?
"Of course. I saw no problem. It wasn't the first time I had been on a
cruise with passengers who changed the cruise plan."
Hayat informed the passengers that he would not be able to sail the yacht
alone and asked if he could bring a friend aboard. They agreed. He phoned
his friend, Yaacov Ben Kiki, who runs a business repairing and maintaining
yachts in the port of Marmaris, in Turkey. He agreed to join in return for
payment.
Ben Kiki is 45, like Hayat, of average height and with a sun- and
wind-burned face. He has a reputation of being a true professional who knows
all about yachts. After doing his military service in the Israel navy, in a
unit that does underwater work, he became a maritime technician and since
then has made a living by building, renovating and sailing boats. For a time
he ran a shipyard in Los Angeles. He moved to Turkey a year and a half ago
and set up the business in Marmaris with a local female partner.
The yacht stopped at Marmaris and Ben Kiki came aboard. They made for
Bodrum, as planned. On the way a storm broke out. The crew took down the
sails and tried to start the engine, but all it did was sputter. The
passengers started to throw up, Hayat recalls.
"We were six or seven kilometers from Rhodes," Hayat and Ben Kiki say, "and
they asked us to sail there because they did not feel well."
With some effort and a difficult struggle in the stormy seas, they reached
the Greek island after midnight. The border control office was closed and
they could not get their passports stamped. But there was nothing unusual in
that: Maritime vessels often have to "take shelter" that way. There are
thousands of boats and ships in the Mediterranean that enter coastal waters
and drop anchor at various countries without their passengers being asked to
produce papers. The entire group went ashore to eat at a restaurant.
Afterward the two members of the crew went back to the yacht to sleep and
the others went to a hotel. In the morning the four passengers came to the
yacht to collect their luggage.
Didn't you think that was odd?
Hayat: "No. It happens all the time. Friends of mine went by yacht to Cyprus
and didn't want to come back the same way, so they flew home."
Didn't you suspect them?
"No. Not at any stage."
And how did Peter behave?
"Normally. He did act like he was in charge, but he was very friendly. He
even helped clean the boat during the trip."
The man in the photo
Hayat and Ben Kiki sailed back to Gucek. They arrived there on Saturday,
August 27, and because they still had one more day before they had to return
the yacht, Ben Kiki decided to invite his Turkish business partner for a
cruise. The three spent a pleasurable day, dropped anchor in one of the bays
in the area, and returned to Gucek the next day, so they could get the yacht
back on time.
A few men were waiting for them on the dock. "I thought they were workers
who would tie us to the dock," Hayat says. But as soon as the yacht was
anchored, the "workers" jumped them. "They made us lie down, tied our hands
and blindfolded us. I thought they were Palestinians, Palestinian
terrorists, because at the time there were warnings about terrorism. They
said nothing and searched us. Then they took us down into the hold and
removed our blindfolds. I saw guys in civilian clothes with pistols and I
felt reassured - I understood that they were apparently not terrorists. They
told us that they were not regular police, but a special force. They put us
in a car and we drove to a military base. All I had on was a bathing suit
and a T-shirt."
At the base the three were separated and each was taken to a different
interrogation. "They told me to tell them everything," Hayat relates. "That
calmed me down, because I had nothing to hide."
What were you accused of?
"The interrogator told me that our passenger Peter is a criminal [and said]:
`You helped a criminal.'"
After a time they were blindfolded again and taken to a police station in
the city of Fethiye, where they were again questioned. One of the
interrogators asked Hayat if he worked for Israel's Mossad espionage agency.
Hayat said he did not. Then he asked whether Anat was a Mossad agent. Hayat
explained that he did not know her well enough to answer. He and Ben Kiki
told the interrogators everything they knew, including the name of the hotel
in Rhodes where the passengers had stayed. The interrogators showed them a
photograph of Petrac from the Interpol wanted list and they identified
"Peter." In the police station, with the aid of an interpreter, formal
testimony was taken from them.
"The interpreter told me that we were accused of assisting a fugitive from
justice and that this is a serious offense that carries a prison term of
seven years," Hayat recalls.
They spent the night in police lock-up. The next day, Monday, the two men
and Ben Kiki's partner were brought before a judge. Before the hearing, the
men managed to call the Israeli embassy in Ankara and report their arrest.
"The judge asked a few questions, read out the testimony we had given and
said he believed us and that we had done nothing criminal and he was
releasing us," Hayat says. After the hearing they heard from the embassy by
phone that they would in fact be released within a few hours.
The Turkish partner was released first and hired a lawyer from Istanbul. He
flew in quickly and started to work energetically to deal with the
bureaucratic barriers. The Israeli embassy and the consulate in Istanbul
also called every so often to ask how they were. The Israeli consul general
told them that the distance made it impossible for her to get there, but
assured them over and over that she was on the case. Nevertheless, the "few
hours" stretched into 10 days.
The delay made Hayat anxious and he called members of his family and friends
who had connections in the Likud Central Committee. They, in turn, contacted
Foreign Minister Silvan Shalom. But no appeal or intervention could overcome
the bureaucratic hurdles. The Turkish police viewed them as being detained,
not arrested. They were allowed to go out to shop and eat at restaurants -
with a police escort - but had to sleep in the police station. It was not
until 12 days after their arrest, on September 8, that their passports were
returned to them and they could fly to Israel from Antalya.
The Israeli connection
Why did Petrac choose to hide in Israel? Apparently because he has known the
country well for the past decade, has become acquainted with a number of
Israelis - including a retired Israel Defense Forces brigadier general, Amos
Kotzer, who is now an arms merchant - and has invested money here. In 2001,
according to the investigation conducted by the Croatian authorities, Petrac
and his business partner, General Zagorac (whose son Petrac was convicted of
kidnapping), transferred $19 million to Israel, which was deposited in
branch No. 844 of Bank Leumi, on Hama'apilim Street in the affluent
community of Kfar Shmaryahu, just north of Tel Aviv. The money was deposited
in five to seven transfers in an account that was opened by a company called
Nevada Trading. The company does not appear on the list of the Registrar of
Companies in Israel, and the investigators in Croatia think it is registered
in a tax haven somewhere. Kotzer, who lives in Kfar Shmaryahu, denied then
and continues to deny any connection to the bank account of Nevada Trading.
Hrvoje Petrac is considered one of the richest men in Croatia. He owns
farmland, vineyards, a winery and buildings, among other assets, and was the
owner of a car and motorcycle dealership. He is a salient example of the
cunning businessmen and entrepreneurs who were able to exploit the collapse
of Yugoslavia and the Balkan wars.
The war that broke out in 1991 between Croatia and Serbia, and between
Serbs, Croats and Muslims in Bosnia-Hercegovina, was brutal and accompanied
by war crimes on all sides.
The crimes attributed to General Ante Gotovina, Petrac's friend, were
perpetrated toward the end of the war, in 1995. They include involvement in
the murder of 150 Serbs and responsibility for the expulsion - the ethnic
cleansing - of about 150,000 Serbs from the disputed region of Kraina.
Because of Croatia's military inferiority vis-a-vis Serbia, the Croatian
leadership was in desperate need of arms and did not always check out their
suppliers very closely. Petrac used his connections with friends, some of
them generals in the Croatian army, and also formed new ties, and within a
few years became an important arms dealer in his country. He was imaginative
and creative in finding ways to bypass the sanctions imposed by the United
Nations and by NATO on the warring sides.
One of Petrac's associates was Amos Kotzer. "It is true that I knew Petrac,
and we even tried to do business together," says Kotzer, though he refuses
to explain the circumstances under which he met his Croatian colleague. "I
knew him in 1994. He was already a well-known businessman. He had a winery
and was, among other things, an importer of Volvos and Ducati motorcycles."
According to Kotzer, his joint business with Petrac was conducted in two
stages. In the first, they tried to buy arms for Croatia from Eastern
European countries. In the second stage, in 1996-1997, after the war, they
tried to sell surplus weapons of the Croatian army to other countries,
mainly in Africa. "But in both stages nothing came of it," Kotzer relates.
"Petrac was very well connected to the security and military establishment
of Croatia."
Kotzer was chief IDF paratroops and infantry officer in the 1980s. After
retiring from the army he received a permit from the Defense Ministry to
engage in arms sales and security consultancy. At the beginning of the 1990s
he hooked up with another arms merchant, Nahum Manbar. At a certain stage
Kotzer told the Defense Ministry chief of security that his partner was
trying to sell chemical warfare materials to the Iranians.
Manbar was arrested in 1997. He told his interrogators that Kotzer had known
about his secret contacts with the Iranians and had even taken part in
meetings with Iranian representatives, which were held in the Marriott Hotel
in Vienna. In the trial Kotzer was one of the key prosecution witnesses. In
a conversation last week Kotzer denied Manbar's allegations. He says he was
not present at any meeting with Iranians and was not involved in any attempt
to sell chemical warfare materials to Iran, and adds: "In the trial Manbar
retracted those allegations against me."
The District Court in Tel Aviv convicted Manbar of treason and of aiding the
enemy in its war against Israel. He was sentenced to 16 years in prison.
Kotzer, in contrast, was considered a friend of the defense establishment
and his ties with it only grew closer. According to Kotzer, there is no
connection between his activity in Croatia and his business acquaintanceship
with Petrac, and his work with Manbar in that period. "These are two
different and separate business operations," he explains.
Kotzer and Petrac continued their business cooperation after the end of the
Balkan wars. Kotzer invested in Petrac's insurance company, Atlas. But the
company ran into trouble and Kotzer says that even though he is still
officially a shareholder (he declines to specify how many shares he owns),
he treates the investment as a "lost debt."
Kotzer maintains vehemently that he never met General Gotovina and certainly
did not know about the alleged connection between Petrac and Gotovina or
about the suspicions against the two. "The last time I saw Petrac was in
1999 and since then the ties between us have been severed," Kotzer says.
"The fact is that he did not call me, and I learned from Croatian newspapers
that he was in Israel. He must have understood that I would not help him."
The big mistake
The onset of Petrac's business career, in the 1980s, coincided with the
first signs of the crumbling of the communist central government in
Yugoslavia. He worked in a number of import-export firms and in one of them
he was appointed head of the warehouse, but was forced to leave after the
police launched an investigation against him on suspicion that he had
inflated prices. In 1990 he discovered the marvels of foreign-currency
trading. Some time later, in media interviews, he boasted that in this
occupation he had actually "saved Croatia from a financial disaster" that
Serbia had tried to inflict on its adversary.
Petrac bought cheaply shares of companies that were put up for sale and
mortgaged them to get loans and credit lines at reduced rates from banks. It
was not long before he became known throughout the country, and especially
in the ruling circles of President Franjo Tudjman, as a gifted businessman,
and he began to receive offers to go into business with would-be
entrepreneurs. One of them was the president's grandson, Dejan Kosutic; the
two became partners in Kaptol Bank.
Toward the end of the 1990s, the media began to portray Petrac also as the
head of a group that used rather dubious methods. It turned out that one of
the group's holdings was a casino. The media stated explicitly that Petrac
was one of the heads of the country's crime syndicate. Evidence supporting
these suspicions was published by the Belgrade newspaper Nedelni Telegraf.
The paper obtained transcripts of phone calls made by Petrac, which were
apparently recorded by a secret service of one of the Balkan states. The
transcripts showed that Petrac was apparently involved in black market deals
revolving around the smuggling of drugs and cigarettes.
Additional confirmation of the suspicions came when it was learned that
Petrac had attended the funeral of the godfather of Croatian crime, Zlatko
Bagaric, who had been murdered. Asked to explain his presence at the
funeral, Petrac said it had been his "big mistake." Also murdered that year
was Vijeko Slisko, known as Zagreb's "king of slot machines." The assassin
was a hired killer of Belgian origin who had served in President Tudjman's
special protection unit (dubbed the "Praetorian Guard"). Petrac was
questioned by the police, but said he knew nothing about the Slisko murder
and had nothing to do with it.
On top of all this, the Serbian media (among others, the weekly Nin) alleged
that Petrac is acquainted with a Serb gang chieftain. And not just any
chieftain, but none other than the notorious Milorad Lukovic. Lukovic, who
is known as "Legija" (for his service in the French Foreign Legion), was the
commander of a special unit in the Serbian security forces that put down the
uprising of the Albanian Muslims in Kosovo. In 2001 he left the army and
became head of a crime syndicate.
The members of the gang, headed by Legija, are suspected of initiating and
carrying out the assassination of the Serbian prime minister, Zoran
Djindjic, in May 2003. The Serbian media were unable to specify the ties, if
any, that Petrac had with Legija.
But apart from media insinuations and police interrogations, Petrac had no
real dealings with the law, with the exception of one incident in which he
was convicted of attacking a cleaning woman in a building where a restaurant
he owned was located. It was not until 2004 that the insinuations became
facts, which were confirmed in court. Together with several others, he was
suspected of being involved in the kidnapping of General Zagorac's son.
According to the prosecution, the kidnappers demanded a ransom of 1.5
million euros, but made do with half that amount. Some of them were
convicted and sent to prison. Petrac, who was given a six-year sentence, and
another of those convicted, Ivan Matkovic, the main suspect in the case, did
not show up in court and were declared fugitives from the law.
Arrest in Greece
After the passengers left the yacht in Rhodes, attorney Mann returned to
Israel. Petrac arrived in the port city of Patras in Greece, via Crete.
There he boarded a ferry bound for Ancona, Italy. On August 31, while the
ferry made a stop at the Greek port of Igoumenitsa, police came aboard and
arrested Petrac. A Greek court sentenced him to five months in prison for
holding a false passport and declared him extraditable.
Through Greek and Croatian lawyers, Petrac appealed to the Greek Supreme
Court. That hearing will take place in two weeks. He also asked for
political asylum in Greece, claiming he was being persecuted for his
political beliefs in Croatia and would not get a fair trial there. According
to his lawyers, all the legal procedures in which he was convicted of
kidnapping were "one big perversion" of justice. They are relying, among
other evidence, on what Ivan Matkovic said after he was arrested in Croatia.
Matkovic maintains that neither he nor Petrac was involved in the
kidnapping.
Requests to Petrac's lawyers in Greece for Petrac's version of the events
drew no response. Petrac's Israeli lawyer, Mann, declined to describe the
circumstances in which he met Petrac and how he came to be his lawyer and
the manager of his business affairs in Israel. He also declined to provide
any information about the cruise or about "Anat," Petrac's girlfriend.
"Until the appeal is heard in Greece, I cannot comment on the affair," Mann
said in a brief conversation. "All I can say is that the cruise from Turkey
to Greece was regular and legal, and not a smuggling attempt. He [Petrac]
has no criminal past. Everything that is being conducted against him is
political persecution."
The political motive is related primarily to Petrac's privileged association
with General Ante Gotovina. (Interestingly, the Croatian general, like the
Serbian Legija, also served in the French Foreign Legion.) In the view of
the Swiss prosecutor Carla Del Ponte, the chief prosecutor of the War Crimes
Tribunal, Gotovina is one of the the most important wanted individuals she
is seeking to capture, along with two Serbian-Bosnians, General Ratko Mladic
and the politician Radovan Karadzic.
Under the pressure and influence of Del Ponte, the European Union
member-states adopted a tough policy toward Croatia: Until Gotovina is
arrested and extradited to the court in The Hague, Croatia will not be able
to enter into negotiations to join the EU. Petrac, she believes, is a key
person who can bring about Gotovina's arrest - which is why, in 2001, he was
barred from entering EU countries.
The international pressure seems to have its effect. In the past few months
the Croatian government has been trying to appease the Europeans and create
at least the appearance of cooperation. From its point of view, the arrest
and extradition of Petrac can attest to the sincere efforts that are being
made to find the wanted war criminal, who is viewed as a national hero by
many of his compatriots. "They know that the moment Gotovina will be turned
over, their days in power are numbered. They have made Petrac a scapegoat to
atone for their sins," attorney Mann says about the Croatian political
echelon.
Mann also thinks he knows how Petrac was caught, but will not elaborate. The
Turkish interrogators told Hayat and Ben Kiki that they kept Petrac under
constant surveillance and saw him board the yacht, but, they said, because
of a bureaucratic hitch (they did not have an arrest warrant) they did not
detain him and let him set sail. In contrast, Assistant Commander Buton
attributes Petrac's arrest to the resourcefulness of the Israel Police. The
Turkish authorities' report to the Israeli embassy in Ankara about the
arrest of the two Israelis, who had skippered a yacht carrying a Croatian
passenger named Peter, lit a red light, she says.
"Our attache for police affairs put one and one together and suspected that
Peter was the wanted man Petrac," Buton says. "The attache told the Turks
about his supposition, and that is why the interrogators showed the two
Israeli detainees Petrac's photograph; they affirmed that the man in the
photo was their passenger. The attache immediately called his Croatian
counterpart and gave him the information. It turned out that the Croats
already knew that Petrac was hiding in Turkey, but forgot to tell us. The
Croatian attache and the Turkish authorities sent an alert to the Greeks
with the name of the hotel in which Petrac stayed in Rhodes, and they caught
him."
As proof of the contribution made by the Israel Police to the arrest, Buton
points to the fact that the Israeli attache received a special citation of
honor in a ceremony that was held in the Croatian embassy in Ankara.
But international politics is of little interest to the two Israel
yachtsmen. Kobi Hayat says he wants "to divorce himself from the whole
matter." Ben Kiki, however, cannot do that, because in the meantime he is
not being allowed to enter Turkey. "I suffered tremendous damage," he says.
"The business I established in Turkey is collapsing, and I am the subject of
gossip and rumors in the marinas in Israel. Who will compensate me for all
this?" n
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