Why NATO bombed Serb TV
The Spectator (UK)
December 06, 2005

Did George W. Bush make a tasteless gag about bombing al-Jazeera? Did
Tony Blair dutifully laugh? How could two leaders of the free world
think it appropriate to jest about whacking pesky Arab journos while a
nation Iraq burned under their watch? These are the questions being
asked by British journalists who are shocked by rumours of a
conversation that allegedly took place between Bush and Blair in April
last year. I have a different question: why do these journalists seem
more outraged by this President's alleged scurrilous aside about
bombing a TV station than they were by an earlier president's actual
bombing of a TV station?

Six years ago President Bill Clinton sent cruise missiles to destroy a
TV studio and knock off some media workers, and it was no joke. At 2.20
a. m. on 23 April 1999, at the height of the Kosovo campaign, the Nato
alliance led by Clinton and Blair destroyed the headquarters of Radio
Television Serbia (RTS) in central Belgrade. The missiles destroyed the
entrance and left at least one studio in ruins. More than 120 people
were working in the building at the time; 16 were killed and another 16
were injured all of them civilian workers, mostly technicians and
support staff.

The BBC's John Simpson described seeing 'the body of a make-up artist .
=2E . lying in a dressing room'. That was 27-year-old Yelitsa Munitlak,
burned to death in the small room where she applied make-up to the
station's newsreaders. She was so badly disfigured that her body could
be identified only by the rings she was wearing. One of the RTS
technical team, trapped between two collapsed concrete blocks, had to
have both his legs amputated at the scene. He died later in hospital.

Today journalists wonder whether Blair laughed at Bush's joke about
al-Jazeera, or perhaps even talked the President out of a serious
'plot' to bomb the Arab channel.

Never mind all that. Here is what Blair said after the targeted killing
of media workers in Yugoslavia: the media 'is the apparatus that keeps
Slobodan Milosevic in power and we are entirely justified as Nato
allies in damaging and taking on those targets'.

He was backed by Clare Short, who today poses as an anti-war warrior
but who six years ago was Blair's cheerleader-in-chief for bombing
Yugoslavia. After the attack on RTS she said, 'The propaganda machine
is prolonging the war and it's a legitimate target.' Tell that to the
family of Yelitsa Munitlak.

To add insult to grotesque injuries, Nato officials later tried to deny
that they had purposefully targeted a studio packed with civilian
workers, instead claiming they had meant to bomb the TV transmitter
next door. Yet according to the final report of the UN committee to
review the Nato bombing campaign against the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia, 'Nato intentionally bombed the central studio of the RTS
broadcasting corporation.' And as Amnesty International pointed out,
'intentionally directing attacks against civilian objects is a war
crime under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court'.

How did British journalists react to this 'war crime'? Not very
honourably; certainly with far less rage than they have directed
against Bush and Blair for their alleged chat about al-Jazeera. Some in
the media who supported the Kosovo campaign kept shtoom about the
attack. The broadcasting union Bectu did not even comment on it.

There was almost a celebratory tone in the Guardian's initial coverage
of the bombing of RTS. In its first report on the attack (written by
Martin Kettle and Maggie O'Kane, both of whom supported 'punishing' the
Serbs) the paper repeated Nato's justifications for the attack without
question: 'Nato targeted the heart of . . . Milosevic's power base
early today by bombing the headquarters of Serbian state television,
taking it off the air in the middle of a news bulletin.' It failed to
say how camera operators, soundmen and makeup girls were central to
Milosevic's 'power base'. Some journalists criticised the bombing of
RTS not because it was criminal but because it provided a 'gift to
Nato's critics'; in short, it made their 'good war' look bad.

There were honourable exceptions to all this. The National Union of
Journalists, for example, vigorously opposed the attack. But too many
journalists tried to squeeze this bombing of media workers into their
view of the Kosovo campaign as a 'humanitarian' war. Yet the idea that
you can burn to death a make-up girl in the name of 'humanitarianism'
is surely as perverse if not more so than the thought of Bush and Blair
talking about bringing freedom to Iraq (which presumably includes
freedom of speech) while talking about blowing up journalists.

By: Brendan O'Neill
http://www.spectator.co.uk/article_archive.php?id=7013&issue=2005-12-03

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