ANALYSIS: Kosovo, NATO and Montenegro strain Serbian coalition 

        

        
        

 


        

 

 

Belgrade - The Serbian government coalition, forged three months ago under huge 
pressure from the West, already seems worn out over key issues and has been 
sending contradictory, confusing signals ahead of crucial decisions on the 
country's future status. The uneasy alliance of President Boris Tadic's 
Democratic Party (DS) and Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica's Democratic Party 
of Serbia (DSS) was produced to avert the rise of ultra-nationalists to power 
or repeat elections and reset the country's course towards NATO and the 
European Union. 

But Kostunica, a nationalist himself, has become an increasingly loud 
Russophile, while the pro-Western Tadic appears helplessly carried away in a 
bid to remain moderate amid resurging nationalist rhetoric, reminiscent of the 
1990s. 

Despite winning far more votes in January's polls than the DSS, Tadic and the 
DS have been weakened by the Kosovo rhetoric, a nationalist trademark, to the 
point of being blackmailed into conceding the post of prime minister to 
Kostunica in May. 

It has become worse for the DS since. Most recently, in a dangerous populist 
turn, the DSS has started pushing for Serbia's turn away from the West and even 
hinted at a possible violent response from Belgrade in case Kosovo declares 
independence. 

Kosovo, where Serbia has had no say in government since NATO ousted it in 1999 
to stop bloodshed, has been the sacred source of rhetoric for Serbian 
nationalists. 

But the breakaway province is vastly dominated by majority Albanians who 
impatiently expect independence this year - which would force Serbian 
politicians to do something, one way or another. 

After eight years of life in a diplomatic and economic limbo, the Albanians 
expect the West, particularly the United States, to promote what is still 
nominally Serbia's province into a sovereign state. 

That outcome would degrade any pro-Western leader into a traitor, again in a 
manoeuvre commonly practised during the Slobodan Milosevic era. 

Kosovo independence appeared to be on the verge of happening already in 
mid-2007, but Serbia's awakened ally Russia blocked the process in the United 
Nations and delayed the decision on Kosovo at least until mid-December by 
forcing three more months of talks. 

Serbs and Albanians will certainly not find a mutually acceptable solution - 
which everybody hopes for, but nobody expects - as the Serbs are adamantly 
insisting on sovereignty over Kosovo and the Albanians want nothing less than 
independence. 

Meanwhile, Kostunica has been gushing love for Moscow, offering the national 
economy to Russian investors, while launching an anti- NATO campaign, accusing 
the alliance of aiming to build a "NATO state" in Kosovo. 

In another populist move, his DSS launched an initiative to block Serbia's 
approach to NATO. 

The hostility peaked when the state secretary for Kosovo and DSS cadre, Dusan 
Prorokovic, hinted that Serbia could deploy its armed forces to the UN-run and 
NATO-protected territory to prevent independence. 

That time Washington reacted, saying Thursday that it would "seek 
clarification" of the "inflammatory and unfortunate" remark. 

While Kostunica remained silent, Defence Minister Dragan Sutanovac, the most 
hawkish advocate of Belgrade's western course among the DS leaders, verbally 
slapped Prorokovic for "waving an empty gun" and warned him to "keep his nose 
in his own ministry."

While a reaction to the possible declaration of Kosovo's independence has not 
been defined, "there will be no unilateral military response to it," Sutanovac 
told Friday's edition of the daily Blic. 

He also assured that Serbia's course toward NATO was not in question, but the 
damage may have already been inflicted and the tear in the ruling coalition 
widened. 

It was the same disjointed message with Serbia's former sister republic 
Montenegro, which formally sought an apology Thursday after one of Kostunica's 
advisors, Aleksandar Simic, denigrated it. 

Criticizing Montenegro's refusal to allow entry to a Serbian Orthodox priest 
suspected of aiding war crime suspects, Simic said Montenegro was a 
"quasi-state."

Rubbing salt into the wound, a Serbian cabinet minister failed to show up for a 
scheduled meeting with a Montenegrin host, offering no explanation other than 
he was backing the priest. 

Montenegro became independent last year, enraging Serbian nationalists, 
including Kostunica. 

Reflecting his bitterness, Belgrade has still not sent an ambassador to 
Podgorica, though Tadic and the DS tried very hard to remain friendly with it. 

Podgorica reacted to the insults with a protest note, handed by its own 
ambassador to Belgrade, but the only apology, informal so far, came from a DS 
official. 

"Serbia recognizes and respects Montenegro as a state and is building good 
neighbourly relations,' Vice Premier Bozidar Djelic said in an interview. "I 
apologize to Montenegrins."

Time will show whether the DS will manage to save the potatoes of Kosovo, NATO, 
Montenegro and other issues thrown into the fire by DSS populists. 

Presidential and local elections, due this year, will show if Serbs will reward 
or punish the effort to appease. 


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