Kosovo: Troubles Embedded in the EU
November 20, 2007 16 23  GMT

 

Summary

Kosovo is skating toward a declaration of independence with the reluctant 
support of the United States and 22 of the EU member states -- but what of the 
other five? Two of them could cause great complications for EU policy in the 
not-so-distant future. 

Analysis

The likely rise of former militant leader Hashim Thaci to the post of prime 
minister after the Nov. 18 elections in Kosovo probably heralds a formal 
declaration of independence by the Serbian province within weeks. Though there 
are many concerns as to the timing and tone of the declaration, the bulk of the 
West -- and certainly the major powers of the United States, Germany, France 
and the United Kingdom -- all support it.

But that does not mean the Kosovars enjoy unqualified support. A Kosovar 
declaration of independence will not be met with formal EU backing because any 
EU foreign policy statement requires all 27 EU states to be on board. They are 
not. Specifically, there are five EU members that see things differently and 
are unwilling to support independence for the region without explicit approval 
from the U.N. Security Council (UNSC). (Such authorization cannot happen 
without the approval of veto-wielding Russia, and Moscow will veto any 
resolution that its proxy Serbia dislikes.)

The first three states are Spain, Romania and Cyprus. Ultimately, these states 
are concerned about the precedent that a unilateral Kosovar declaration would 
establish because they fear they are in the same boat as Serbia, as each houses 
a territorially cohesive minority seeking independence. In the case of Cyprus, 
Turkish Cypriots have exercised de facto independence for the past 33 years. 
Romania has concerns about the Hungarians of Transylvania while Spain agonizes 
about the Basques.

But these concerns are ultimately manageable. These three states have done just 
fine in the modern era despite rallies for autonomy (Romania), the occasional 
bombing (Spain) and even a Turkish invasion (Cyprus). The three states are 
stable, and while they might feel reason to be nervous, they do not face an 
existential threat. Any problems likely will be of the tempest in a teapot 
variety.

The other two states concerned about a Kosovar declaration, Slovakia and 
Greece, are another story. Like the first three, Slovakia is concerned about a 
potential separatist group -- the Hungarians in the country's south who might 
like to rejoin with their ethnic brethren in Hungary proper. And the Greeks are 
no fans of the Albanians, Kosovar or otherwise.

But the core of these two states' opposition to Kosovar independence is based 
on geopolitical concerns: They see Serbia as a cultural cousin. Slovakia views 
the Serbs as fellow Slavs, and Greece sees them as co-religionists. Both would 
like to see Serbian power preserved as a counterweight against rising local 
powers they view with some suspicion: Hungary and Albania. 

This desire gives Russia an excellent opportunity. The same cultural links that 
make Slovakia and Greece support Serbia also tie Russia to all three states. 
Russia has long viewed the Western effort to achieve Kosovar independence as a 
veiled effort to reduce Russian and Slavic power in the Balkans -- which, to be 
perfectly blunt, is a paranoia well rooted in fact. 

This means should the Kosovars simply declare independence without any legal 
cover from the UNSC, it will not just be Russia working to undermine EU policy 
in the Balkans, but a triumvirate with two members entrenched in Europe.

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