The Economist
Dec 13th 2007

BALKAN BAGATELLE

The delicate diplomacy over the handling of Kosovo's looming
independence

A JOKE has been circulating among diplomats concerned with the Balkans.
The reply to the question, "what comes after December 10th?" is
"December 11th." And so it has proved. The 10th was the deadline for a
mission led by ambassadors from the European Union, America and Russia
to report to the United Nations on the outcome of negotiations between
Serbia and its breakaway province of Kosovo. In the event, the talks
produced so little that the report was handed in early. 

It would be wrong to conclude that nothing has changed after the
failure of the troika's talks. The end of almost two years of
diplomatic efforts to find an agreement means that one chapter on
Kosovo has closed and a new one is opening. A period of turbulence lies
ahead, and it could even be accompanied by a few spasms of violence.
But it is almost inconceivable that there will be a general return to
the Balkan wars of the 1990s. 

Kosovo is the last remaining piece of the former Yugoslav jigsaw. Some
90% of its 2m people are ethnic Albanians who have long demanded
independence. Unlike the six countries that have already emerged from
the old Yugoslavia, Kosovo was not a republic but a province--and one
with a special historical significance for Serbs. Serbia's present
leaders have offered maximum autonomy, but Kosovo's Albanians have said
they will settle for nothing less than independence. 

On December 19th the UN Security Council will take up the question.
Russia, Serbia's backer, will demand that talks continue. This will be
rejected by America and the EU countries, who say there is nothing left
to discuss. At the same time, Western diplomats are working out next
steps. Serbia is to hold a two-round presidential election in January
and February. The Kosovo Albanians are being asked to hold off
declaring independence before then, in a bid to boost the chances of
the pro-European incumbent, Boris Tadic.

 The diplomats are trying to find a legal cover to replace the UN
mission in Kosovo with one from the EU. This is proving hard. Kosovo is
governed by the Security Council's resolution 1244, which says it is
part of Yugoslavia, to which Serbia is the legal successor state. "On
this the Serbs and the Russians probably have the law on their side,"
sighs a top European diplomat. "But then this is a political decision,
not a legal one."

Once Kosovo declares independence, it is likely to be recognised by the
Americans, most EU members and many Muslim countries. Serbia may try to
blockade the new country, apart from the Serb-inhabited part of
Mitrovica and the north that it already, in effect, runs. So this may
turn into Europe's newest "frozen conflict". Kosovo exports nothing to
Serbia, but Serbian exports to Kosovo amount to EURO200m ($280m) a
year. This trade may be diverted through Montenegro and Macedonia. 

The biggest worry concerns the 50,000 or more Serbs who live in
enclaves scattered across Kosovo proper. Most, but not all, seem to be
staying put. If the birth of a new Kosovo is accompanied by violence
these are the most vulnerable targets.

 As for Serbia, it is at a fork in the road. The EU's leaders may
soften the blow over Kosovo by waiving a precondition that the country
co-operate in full with the Yugoslav war-crimes tribunal in The Hague
before signing a stabilisation and association agreement that would
bring it large sums of aid. But Vojislav Kostunica, Serbia's prime
minister, says it is insulting to believe that his country would trade
Kosovo for eventual EU membership, and even hints that his country
might refuse to sign the deal. Others close to Mr Tadic retort that
Serbia has nowhere else to go. 

See this article with graphics and related items at
http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10286536&fsrc=nwl 
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