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http://www.washingtontimes.com/article/20080116/EDITORIAL06/457233965/1013/E
DITORIAL

The Washington Times

Helle Dale

 


Fixing Kosovo


By Helle Dale
January 16, 2008 

Memory fades quickly. Just shy of 10 years ago, the images of the Balkans
filled the front pages and television screens with the horrors of ethnic
cleansing. Then those images became dimmer in the public consciousness,
until the conflict became frozen in place. No resolution of unresolved
problems has been in sight during the intervening 10 years, and, as a result
we may be headed for yet another crisis in the next weeks and months.
Indeed, the conflict may be about to be unfrozen and back in the news again.

To recap briefly (if this is possible in the context of the tangled history
of the Balkans) in the late 1990s, Serbia attempted to drive out the ethnic
Albanians from the Kosovo province of Serbia by the hundreds of thousands in
the hope of preventing the province from declaring independence. Albanians,
who are Muslims, make up 90 percent of Kosovo's population of 2 million.
This followed a decade of conflict, during which Serbia, the successor state
to the former Yugoslavia had fought against the independence of former
Yugoslav republics Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Slovenia.

A bombing campaign in 1999 by the United States and its NATO allies finally
intervened against the mass expulsions and murders committed by Serbian
forces in Kosovo. The bombing campaign had its hits and misses — we hit an
empty train and the Chinese embassy, among other things — but it did put a
stop to the atrocities on the ground. The Serbian leader who had presided
over the wars against Serbia's neighbors, Slobodan Milosevic, was toppled
and placed on war crimes trial in The Hague, where he subsequently died in
prison of a heart attack.

On the ground in Kosovo, nothing much has happened for the past 10 years.
The hostility between the majority Albanian and minority Serbian populations
remains intense. American and European troops are in Kosovo to keep the
uneasy peace between them so far with no end in sight for their deployment.

The Albanian threat has been in the air for some time that if the
international community cannot negotiate a final-status agreement for
Kosovo, it will declare independence unilaterally. The province has a very
young population (50 percent are under 18), which is growing restive.
Sky-high unemployment ensures that there is very little productively to keep
their minds off the seething anger over the past. Chances are that later
this month, the Kosovo leadership will take the fateful step of declaring
secession from Serbia. The trigger will be presidential elections in Serbia
on Jan. 20 and Feb. 3, which may move in a more nationalistic direction.

This will present major headaches for the international community,
understandable and justifiable though it is. And it is equally hard to see
how independence will actually improve the lives of the Kosovars, who occupy
one of the most economically depressed parts of Europe, beyond offering
psychological satisfaction. Will it rebuild Kosovo's still bombed-out ruined
towns? Will it produce economic engagement and foreign investment? Will it
create jobs or build schools? Will it root out rampant corruption at
official levels? All of these are desperately needed before Kosovo can be
said to have a future as a functioning state.

The international community remains stumped. Serbia, which adamantly opposes
Kosovo independence, has few supporters, mainly Greece and Russia, both of
which belong to the Orthodox Church like Serbia. Within the European Union,
Greece has been the odd man out against accepting Kosovo independence.

Russia, meanwhile, has been the holdout in the U.N. Security Council, where
it threatens to oppose recognition of Kosovo, which is favored by the United
States. Russia for its part has seized the opportunity to muddy the waters
by threatening to tie the issue to the ethnic conflicts in the former Soviet
Union, such as Transdnester in Moldova, South Ossettia and Abkhazia in
Georgia and Nagorno Karabakh in Azerbaijan.

The Russian argument is that if Kosovo deserves self-determination, so do
these other minority areas. Funnily enough, Russia has failed to mention any
impact a Kosovo precedent would have on Chechnya, which tried to secede from
Russia, only to endure a brutal military Russian campaign (designed by
President Putin none other) to beat any such idea out of the Chechens.

Is there a solution? The most logical is for the entire Balkan area
eventually to become part of NATO and the European Union, which will offer
hope of economic development and integration into its structures. How we get
to there from here, however, is a difficult road to envision.

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