http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/irina_filatova/2008/02/the_kosovo_preced
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GUARDIAN (UK)

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The Kosovo precedent
Irina Filatova

The claim being made by many Russians and Serbians that the independence of
Kosovo will explode the EU or even Europe itself, appear overblown to most
in the west. But the intensity of opposition to Kosovo's independence in
Serbia and Russia is such that it would be a mistake to ignore it.

This opposition among the Russians is practically unanimous. From the
nationalist Vladimir Zhirinovsky to the communist Gennady Ziuganov to even
Nikita Belykh, leader of the Union of Right Forces, a crumbling but
consistent defender of liberal values in Russia - all support the official
line of Putin's government. The Russian foreign ministry states that
Kosovo's independence could lead to a new conflict on the Balkans; that the
way it has been introduced violates a host of international laws, the
statutes and the resolutions of the UN and of its security council; and that
it could result in many serious consequences for international stability.

What is it that unites Russians, from left to right, behind this stand?

Russian political commentators believe that the "unilateral" proclamation of
Kosovo's independence and its immediate recognition by the US and by the
heavyweights of the EU create a precedent for many separatist movements all
over the world, from the Basques in Spain to the Uighurs in China, and that
multiple conflicts could flare up with new vigour, having received such an
impetus.

Many think that Russia would use this situation to recognise the break-away
Georgian republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and perhaps even
Transdnistria, a break-away part of Moldova. Many Russians warn that the
creation of a Muslim state in the middle of Europe will strengthen the
position of Muslim minorities and of Islam in Europe generally. They also
point to the role of Kosovars - even under Nato control - in drug and people
trafficking in Europe. The Americans and Europeans may think that they will
be able to cope with this problem better in an independent Kosovo, but the
Russians do not believe this.

For many Russians, the issue is hugely emotional: Russia, which stood
intransigently for Serbia's integrity has been simply ignored, yet again,
despite its growing economic strength and role in the world. This increases
nostalgia for the Soviet era and the belief that Putin is right: Russia is
under siege. If Serbia, an independent state whose status and territorial
integrity is supposed to be guaranteed by UN resolutions and international
agreements, can be partitioned like this, flagrantly against its will, who
and what can guarantee that Russia - or any other state, for that matter -
will not suffer the same fate if the US decides that it doesn't like its
internal policy and if it cannot not defend itself? Even if one accepts that
Serbia committed abominable atrocities in Kosovo - which few Russians do -
this happened under Milosevic. How can Serbia, which became a democratic
country headed by a pro-western government, be held responsible for that?

What pains the Serbs most, of course, is the fact that Kosovo has never been
a colony, or a conquered country. It was, indeed, the territory where
Serbian statehood came into existence and developed and which was then lost
to what originally was an Albanian minority. The Russians support this
sentiment: how would the British feel if in 20 or 30 years Windsor, for
example, proclaimed its independence on the grounds that the majority of its
population was now Muslim and if the US decided to support this claim?

The Americans say that Kosovo is not a precedent, that it is a once-off
exception. It is difficult to believe this. If a nation wants to secede and
to create it own statehood, there is little what any government can do,
except keep it by force. As we know, using force to keep secessionists at
bay can go on for centuries, as long as outside major powers do not
intervene, and such an intervention seems unlikely elsewhere in Europe at
present. The independence of Kosovo is useful to the US in order to show the
world that America is not anti-Muslim, merely anti-rogue states, some of
which happen to be Muslim - and because it thinks that Nato and its
peacekeepers would control the situation in an independent Kosovo better
than it could until now. But they would not support the Basques or the
Walloons, or the Kurds, let alone the Transdnestrians.

Nor would they support the Abkhasians and the South Ossetians, of course. On
the other hand, if Russia decided to recognise these break-away republics,
and if Georgia decided to oppose this (which it would) then the Americans
would, of course, support Georgia, and Russia might, indeed, face a conflict
with the west.

Kosovo's independence is not going to explode Europe, but it has already
exploded many of the assumptions on which our modern system of international
relations is based. It could create major problems for the UN security
council or simply make it redundant. And it is likely to make Russia
re-examine with fresh determination its military strength vis à vis the US,
at least in specific regional contexts. This would be a very dangerous
development, indeed, first and foremost for Russia itself.

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