Kosovo: The tough challenge before EU By Shadaba Islam Kosovo’s declaration of independence from Serbia presents an array of tough challenges for the European Union (EU).
The emergence of Europe’s tiny, new, independent and largely Muslim nation has -- once again -- split the 27-nation bloc: Britain, France and Germany have joined the U.S. in backing Kosovo’s independence while others, including Cyprus and Spain, oppose the move. Rifts in EU unity are only part of the problem, however. The EU has also taken on the daunting task of trying to ensure peace and security in an impoverished and volatile country, still torn apart by ethnic divisions between the majority Kosovar Albanian population and a small Serb minority in the north and east of the country. In addition, further tensions have emerged with Russia which opposes Kosovo’s secession from Serbia. Officials in Brussels are also struggling unsuccessfully to balance support for Kosovo with diplomatic overtures to Serbia which has warned it will never accept the violation of its territorial sovereignty. Kosovo has, in fact, loomed large on the EU’s foreign policy agenda for more than a decade. Many view the creation of the new state as a chance to dispel the ghosts of the 1990s, when Europe had to rely on the U.S. to halt the bloody break up of Yugoslavia. The territory has been administered by the United Nations since 1999 when NATO bombed Belgrade to end a crackdown on Albanian separatists. The province has, however, officially remained part of Serbia. EU governments sought initially to forge a joint response to Kosovo’s independence. But the divisions proved to be insurmountable. Those extending immediate recognition to the new state argue that failing to meet Kosovar Albanians aspirations for independence will mean more instability in the region. The EU, they insist, will help build a democratic, stable and multi-ethnic state which could -- one day -- have a ‘European future’. Others fear, however, that Kosovo’s secession sets a dangerous precedent for other separatist movements. Despite reassurances from Brussels that Kosovo is a unique case, Cyprus, Greece, Romania, Slovakia and Spain -- struggling to contain their own pro-independence groups -- have said they will not recognize Pristina’s declaration of independence. EU officials warn that partial recognition could deter investment, prevent Kosovo from accepting loans from international institutions, impede the Union from signing trade and cooperation deals and place limitations on the travel of Kosovars. Differences over Kosovo’s status notwithstanding, EU states have sent a joint 2,000 strong police and justice mission to Kosovo to train and mentor police, judges and customs officials. The bloc is also planning to inject substantial funds into one of Europe’s poorest nations. A recent EU report warned that unemployment in Kosovo is close to 50 per cent, wealth per person is five per cent of the EU average, and corruption and organized crime are rampant. Transparency International, the Berlin-based corruption watchdog, recently classified Kosovo as the world’s fourth most corrupt economy, after Cameroon, Cambodia and Albania. Kosovo’s economy will remain dependent on foreign aid for the foreseeable future, say analysts while its security will be guaranteed by 16,000 NATO troops and its political affairs managed by the EU mission. The EU’s already-strained relations with an angry and assertive Russia also appear headed for even choppier waters. Moscow has blocked any United Nations resolution on Kosovo’s independence, warning that statehood for Pristina is a ‘provocation’ that will encourage restive minorities along the former Soviet Union’s southern rim. If Kosovo can break free, argue officials in Moscow, Abkhazia and South Ossetia also deserve independence or secession from Georgia. Disagreement over Kosovo adds to the growing list of differences between the West and Russia, including Moscow’s fury at U.S. plans to deploy a missile shield in Poland and the Czech Republic and rising EU concerns at Russia’s use of its vast energy resources as a foreign policy tool. Not surprisingly, EU relations with Serbia have also nose-dived. EU officials have been trying -- with no success -- for the last few months to reassure Belgrade that their support for Kosovo’s independence does not mean that Brussels is turning its back on Serbia. While Belgrade is not being offered a full partnership agreement until it rounds up key war crimes suspects, the EU has said it is ready to sign an interim accord with Serbia as proof of its determination to forge closer ties with the country and prepare it for future EU membership. Serbia, however, is in no mood to compromise. Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica has spurned EU offers of friendship and Serb leaders have also slammed the EU policy mission in Kosovo as an ‘occupation’ of Belgrade’s territory. Recent attacks by Serb citizens on foreign embassies and missions have also shocked the U.S. and the EU, with many angrily arguing that the authorities did not do enough to stop the angry crowds. Kosovo also faces the threat of an economic embargo by Serbia, which, incensed by Kosovo’s independence, could decide to cut it off. But economists argue that a trade blockade by Serbia would hurt Serbia more than Kosovo, because Serbia exports $200m worth of goods to Kosovo each year. Responding to these and other challenges to their regional role and authority will be a key challenge for EU governments over the coming months. The task ahead is daunting. But at stake is EU credibility as a regional power, capable of bringing peaceful change in its neighborhood through soft power, not the military. The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Brussels. (Source: Dawn) Copyright © 1998-2007 The Tehran Times Daily Newspaper, Tehran-Iran All Rights Reserved.Email : [EMAIL PROTECTED]
