Seeing ourselves through Afghan eyes

By Scott Taylor
May 28, 2008

  _____  

Whenever a nation is at war, it is very easy to polarize all public opinion
based upon the simplified premise of "us" versus "them." Soldiers simply
follow orders, while the political and military leadership puts forward
talking points to justify the military intervention. A large percentage of
the media eagerly parrots the government press lines, and the Canadian
public is more than content to be placated by the official reassurances that
our cause is just. This makes for a relatively easy sales job as we all
believe that we are inherently good people. 

Therefore, if strange foreigners attack our soldiers with suicidal
fanaticism, it is very easy to convince ourselves that our enemy is evil
incarnate. When NATO artillery or airstrikes cause the deaths of innocent
women and children, naturally we blame the dastardly insurgents for using
their own families as human shields. 

However, in the fall of 2006, following the successful conclusion of
Operation Medusa, our soldiers walked among the throng of Afghan refugees
returning to the Panjwai district. When a Taliban suicide bomber detonated a
bicycle bomb in the midst of that crowd—killing and injuring soldiers and
civilians alike—we heaped all the blame for the collateral damage into the
coffin of the Taliban attackers. When our soldiers shot and killed an
unarmed 10-year-old boy at the scene of an IED ambush, we said the Taliban
bore full responsibility because they had created such an insecure
environment that our troops had little recourse but to shoot first and take
no chances. 

Last week's attack against Canadian soldiers involving another 10-year-old
boy would—at least on the surface—appear to substantiate that rationale. 

However, if we are trying to justify our soldiers' sacrifice with the notion
that our Canadian troops are in Afghanistan to protect the weak and the
innocent, the fact that we are engaging and being engaged by 10-year-old
boys should give us pause for thought. The official NATO spin on the
Taliban's use of a young boy in a suicide attack was that this is further
proof of a desperate defeated foe. 

Last year, when the Taliban in Kandahar province abandoned any attempt at
conventional attacks and began relying solely on IEDs, we were told this
meant our tactics were working because we'd driven them underground. On May
6, when Corporal Michael Starker was killed in a rare firefight with
insurgents, again we were told this was a positive step forward because we
were now driving the Taliban out into the open. 

Regardless of how the tactical battle is waged, the Canadian public have
been repeatedly reassured that our soldiers are in Afghanistan at the
request of the democratically-elected government of President Hamid Karzai. 

Of course, that rosy little picture was irreparably ruptured last month when
Foreign Affairs Minister Maxime Bernier denounced the governor of Kandahar
as a corrupt official. While I have little doubt that Bernier has concrete
proof of Governor Asadullah Khalid's sticky fingers in the funds, demanding
that Afghan public officials be shuffled and replaced on demand would make
the Karzai government appear to be nothing more than puppets of the Western
occupation force. 

On top of that, his comments only seemed to illustrate just how out of touch
Bernier is with the situation on the ground in Afghanistan. While corruption
is certainly rife among Afghan public officials, politicians, and security
forces, they are nothing more than petty criminals compared to the
foreigners who are plundering the Afghanistan mission for what it's really
worth. 

For instance, the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) recently
discovered a case wherein a 22-year-old American businessman sold some $300
million worth of old and mostly defective ammunition to the Afghan army and
police forces. To make matters worse, the ammo cartridges were purchased and
shipped from China, which is a violation of U.S. law. The same GAO report
found a $32-million payment for an airfield in Iraq that was never built,
and more than $8 billion in contractor incentive fees and bonuses that were
paid—even if the work was not complete. 

With lawlessness and violence rampant throughout Kandahar, and with
foreigners lining their pockets with obscure profits, it is no wonder that
Governor Khalid felt slighted when Bernier singled him out as a corrupt
official. 

If we are ever going to succeed in overcoming this challenge in Afghanistan,
we need to start seeing ourselves through the eyes of those we are
purporting to assist, not simply how we want to see ourselves.

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