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<http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/20090408_georgia_revolution_simmering/?utm
_source=RedAlert&utm_campaign=none&utm_medium=email> Red Alert: A Possible
Revolution Simmering in Georgia


April 8, 2009 | 1943 GMT 

 Georgian opposition politicans announcing plans for protest
<http://www.stratfor.com/mmf/135465/two_column> 

VANO SHLAMOV/AFP/Getty Images

Georgian opposition politicians making a statement in Tbilisi on March 27

Summary

Georgian opposition movements have planned mass protests for April 9, mostly
in Tbilisi but also around the country. These protests could spell trouble
for President Mikhail Saakashvili. The Western-leaning president has faced
protests before, but this time the opposition is more consolidated than in
the past. Furthermore, some members of the government are expected to join
in the protests, and Russia has stepped up its efforts to oust Saakashvili.

Analysis

Related Link

·         Intelligence
<https://www.stratfor.com/analysis/20090408_intelligence_guidance_special_ed
ition_april_8_2009/?utm_source=RedAlert&utm_campaign=none&utm_medium=email>
Guidance (Special Edition): April 8, 2009

Opposition parties inside Georgia are planning mass protests for April 9,
mainly in the capital city of Tbilisi but also across the country. The
protests are against President Mikhail Saakashvili and are expected to
demand his resignation. This is not the first set of rallies against
Saakashvili, who has had a rocky presidency since taking power in the
pro-Western “Rose Revolution” of 2003. Anti-government protests have been
held constantly over the past six years. But the upcoming rally is
different: This is the first time all 17 opposition parties have
consolidated enough to organize a mass movement in the country. Furthermore,
many members of the government are joining the cause, and foreign powers —
namely Russia — are known to be encouraging plans to oust Saakashvili.

The planned protests in Georgia have been scheduled to coincide with the
20th anniversary of the Soviet crackdown on independence demonstrators in
Tbilisi. The opposition movement claims that more than 100,000 people will
take to the streets — an ambitious number, as the protests of the past six
years have not drawn more than 15,000 people. But this time around, the
Georgian people’s discontent is greatly intensified because of the blame
placed on Saakashvili after the Russo-Georgian war in August 2008. Most
Georgians believe Saakashvili pushed the country into a war, knowing the
repercussions, and into a serious financial crisis in which unemployment has
reached nearly 9 percent.

Georgia’s opposition has always been fractured and so has only managed to
pull together sporadic rallies rather than a real movement. But the growing
discontent in Georgia is allowing the opposition groups to finally overcome
their differences and agree that Saakashvili should be removed. Even
Saakashvili loyalists like former Parliament Speaker Nino Burjanadze and
former Georgian Ambassador to the United Nations Irakli Alasania have joined
the opposition’s cause, targeting Saakashvili personally. The problem now is
that opposition members still do not agree on how to remove the president;
some are calling for referendums on new elections, and some want to install
a replacement government to make sure Saakashvili does not have a chance to
return to power. But all 17 parties agreed to start with large-scale
demonstrations in the streets and go from there. 

If the movement does inspire such a large turnout, it would be equivalent to
the number of protesters that hit the streets at the height of the Rose
Revolution, which toppled the previous government and brought Saakashvili
into power in the first place. 

Saakashvili and the remainder of his supporters are prepared, however, with
the military on standby outside of Tbilisi in order to counter a large
movement. During a demonstration in 2007, Saakashvili deployed the military
and successfully — though violently — crushed the protests. But that
demonstration consisted of 15,000 protesters; it is unclear if Saakashvili
and the military could withstand numbers seven times that. 

 <http://web.stratfor.com/images/fsu/Georgia-Geography.jpg> 



 <http://web.stratfor.com/images/fsu/Georgia-Geography.jpg> Map - Georgian
Geography

 <http://web.stratfor.com/images/fsu/Georgia-Geography.jpg> (click image to
enlarge)

 

There is also concern that protests are planned in the Georgian secessionist
region of Adjara, which rose up against and rejected Saakashvili’s
government in 2004 after the Rose Revolution. This region was suppressed by
Saakashvili once and has held a grudge ever since, looking for the perfect
time to rise up again. Tbilisi especially wants to keep Adjara under its
control because it is home to the large port of Batumi, and many of
Georgia’s transport routes to Turkey run through it. If Adjara rises up,
there are rumors in the region that its neighboring secessionist region,
Samtskhe-Javakheti, will join in to help destabilize Saakashvili and the
government. Georgia already officially lost its two northern secessionist
regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia to Russian occupation during the
August 2008 war and is highly concerned with its southern regions trying to
break away. 

These southern regions, like the northern ones, have strong support from
Russia; thus, Moscow is square in the middle of tomorrow’s activities.
Russia has long backed all of Georgia’s secessionist regions, but has had
difficulty penetrating the Georgian opposition groups in order to organize
them against Saakashvili. Though none of the 17 opposition groups are
pro-Russian, STRATFOR sources in Georgia say Russian money has been flowing
into the groups in order to nudge them along in organizing the impending
protests. 

Russia has a vested interest in breaking the Georgian government. Russia and
the West have been locked in a struggle over the small Caucasus state. That
struggle led to the August 2008 Russo-Georgian war, after which Moscow felt
secure in its control over Georgia. Since Russian President Dmitri Medvedev
and U.S. President Barack Obama met April 1 and disagreed over a slew of
issues, including U.S. ballistic missile defense installations in Poland and
NATO expansion to Ukraine and Georgia, Russia is not as secure and is
seeking to consolidate its power in Georgia. This means first breaking the
still vehemently pro-Western Saakashvili. This does not mean Russia thinks
it can get a pro-Russian leader in power in Georgia; it just wants one who
is not so outspoken against Moscow and so determined to invite Western
influence.

The April 9 protests are the point at which all sides will try to gain — and
maintain — momentum. The 2003 Rose Revolution took months to build up to,
but the upcoming protests are the starting point for both the opposition and
Russia — and opposition movements in Georgia have not seen this much support
and organization since the 2003 revolution. April 9 will reveal whether or
not things are about to get shaken up, if not completely transformed, in
Georgia.

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