The Balkan Mess Redux 

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By WILLIAM MONTGOMERY

Published: June 4, 2009 

President Obama recently said of Iraq, “What we will not do is permit the 
pursuit of the perfect stand in the way of achievable goals.” It would be a 
major step forward if this same approach was applied to Bosnia and Kosovo.

In both those countries, we have become trapped in policy “boxes” that make it 
impossible to achieve stability or long-term solutions, despite enormous 
investments of personnel and resources for almost two decades. 

This is because we continue to insist that it is possible, with enough pressure 
and encouragement, to establish fully functioning multiethnic societies in 
Bosnia and Kosovo with no change in borders. And we have consistently ignored 
all evidence to the contrary and branded as obstructionist anyone who speaks 
openly about alternative approaches.

The reality is that no amount of threats or inducements, including fast 
membership in the European Union or NATO, will persuade the Bosnian Serbs to 
cede a significant portion of the rights and privileges given them under the 
Dayton Agreement to the central government, as the Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) 
and the international community are determined to bring about. The Bosnian 
Serbs are determined to have full control over their own destiny, and fear that 
if they continue to transfer authority to a central government, the more 
numerous Bosniaks will end up in control. 

The end result is continued tension between the two Bosnian entities, a 
dysfunctional country, and the prospect of many more years of efforts by 
Western politicians — like Vice President Joe Biden on his recent visit — to 
pound a square peg into a round hole.

I know of what I speak: For more than 15 years, I was one of these pounders. I 
finally came to understand that the historical experiences in this region have 
implanted a mind-set very different from our own. We keep expecting the people 
in the Balkans to think and react as we do: It is not going to happen.

In Kosovo, the reality is that most of the Serbs have already left and will not 
be coming back. Many of those still remaining do so only because they hope or 
believe that they can ignore the central government of independent Kosovo and 
continue to look to Serbia for political and financial support.

Those Serbs living north of the Ibar River in particular act as if they are in 
fact living in Serbia. President Boris Tadic and his moderate government are 
trapped into supporting the Kosovo Serbs to prevent a nationalist backlash 
while trying to move toward the E.U.

These contradictions are becoming ever more obvious. But that is not the major 
danger. 

Up to now, Kosovo Albanians have been patient with the refusal of Kosovo Serbs 
to recognize the independence of the former Serbian province, deferring to the 
international community to sort this problem out. But already opposition Kosovo 
Albanian politicians are starting to criticize the Kosovo government for its 
passivity on the matter. 

This frustration will grow, leading to further deterioration of relations among 
Kosovo, Serbia and the international community, and an increase in violence 
against Kosovo Serbs.

In both Kosovo and Bosnia, we need to consider different solutions — ones which 
we may not like and which will have complications of their own, but which will 
be really...achievable. This is the only way the international community can 
bring its involvement in the Balkans to an end. 

In Kosovo, this probably means some form of partition between the Albanians and 
the Serbs combined with joint recognition, pledges of full rights for 
minorities and a variety of sweeteners from the EU.

Bosnia is more complicated. There, a solution probably involves shaping a 
different relationship within Bosnia and permitting the Republika Srpska, the 
Serbian portion of the divided country, to hold a referendum on independence. 
This would have to include a lot of guarantees about future relationships, and 
be done as a complete package led and implemented by the international 
community. 

In both cases, there would need to be a demonstrated will and readiness to use 
military force to prevent violence along the way.

There is another reason to broaden our thinking. We in the West act as if we 
control what happens in the region. This is not the case, as the outbreak of 
violence in 1990-91 in the former Yugoslavia and the growth of the Kosovo 
Liberation Army in 1997-99 demonstrated. 

The fact is that both in Bosnia and in Kosovo, independent local forces can 
take matters into their own hands and in a very short time bring about renewed 
violence that we will be hard-pressed to contain. And we simply cannot afford 
to become even more entangled in the Balkans. 

Like an alcoholic whose first step is to recognize he has a problem, we need to 
accept that the current policies are not tenable. Only then can we start 
thinking constructively about solutions which can bring lasting stability to 
the region.

William Montgomery is a former U.S. ambassador to Bulgaria, Croatia and 
Serbia/Montenegro and a former special adviser to the president on Bosnia.

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/05/opinion/05iht-edmontgomery.html?scp=2&sq=kosovo&st=cse

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