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>From The Sunday Times 

November 1, 2009


Listen up, Muslims – the West fought for you


Dominic Lawson 

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Radovan Karadzic’s defence against 11 charges of genocide did not get off to
the best possible start at the Hague last week. The chief prosecutor at the
international criminal tribunal for the former Yugoslavia opened proceedings
by releasing transcripts of tapped telephone conversations of the Bosnian
Serb leader from 1991, which record Karadzic saying: “There are 20,000 armed
Serbs around Sarajevo ... it will be a black cauldron where 300,000 Muslims
will die. They will disappear. That people will disappear from the face of
the earth.” 

It’s true that these recordings do not mention Srebrenica, where 7,000
captured Bosnian Muslim men and youths were massacred; but as a clear
indicator of genocidal intent they leave no room for doubt. 

The release of the wiretaps is just a small part of the efforts made by what
we used to call the West to bring about justice for the families of those
massacred Muslims. A friend of mine who was involved in the location and
disinterment of the victims’ hidden remains is just one of many Britons who
have given years of their life to this grim cause: the International
Commission on Missing Persons was established in 1996 specifically to piece
together as many as possible of the victims of the Bosnian conflict. 

The ICMP’s director-general is an American, Kathryne Bomberger; she designed
its “super-mortuary”, the world’s largest storage facility for human
remains, where parts of no fewer than 4,000 bodies are kept. This is exhibit
A in the trial of Karadzic, as it was in the prosecution of Slobodan
Milosevic, whose interminable trial at the Hague was abandoned after his
death from a heart attack in 2006. 

These trials cast an uncomfortable searchlight on the behaviour of European
politicians during the earlier stages of the Bosnian conflict. The
Conservative government of John Major was the most forceful advocate of an
arms embargo that would almost certainly have doomed the Bosnian Muslims to
suffer further acts of genocide, until in 1995 Bill Clinton browbeat the
European Union into agreeing to airstrikes. These, backed by US-armed
Bosnian and Croatian ground forces, forced the Serbs to abandon their plans
to “ethnically cleanse” Bosnia and Croatia. 

In 1999, when the Serbs began a similar ethnic cleansing policy against the
Muslims of Kosovo, it was Tony Blair who supplied the political leadership
for a military campaign against Milosevic. Britain and America — under the
Nato umbrella — bombed Belgrade, most notoriously attacking the Serbian
radio and television headquarters and killing 16 workers, including make-up
artists and set designers. It is worth remembering that this bombardment,
carried out in defiance of a United Nations veto by Russia and China, was
most vehemently supported by Robin Cook and Clare Short, the two cabinet
ministers who subsequently resigned over Blair’s decision to back America’s
“shock and awe” assault on Baghdad without UN sanction. 

There is little doubt that the success of the bombing campaigns against the
professedly Christian Serbs on behalf of the terrorised Muslims of Bosnia
and Kosovo had emboldened Blair to think that similar action against Saddam
Hussein would be equally vindicated. He had been greeted with tearful
adulation in Kosovan refugee camps; he must have expected the same welcome
from Shi’ite Iraqis after the overthrow of Saddam. 

As we now know, it was a different story. Blair is hate figure No 1 for
thousands of Muslims, even in his own country, many of whom subscribe to the
view, propagated by Al-Qaeda and its Sunni acolytes, that the war in Iraq
was anti-Islamic in its entire purpose. Little good would it do Blair to
point out that Saddam was a profoundly secular figure hated by the clerics,
or that the dictator’s eventual hanging was punctuated by the calling-out of
Shi’ite versions of Islamic prayers by his gleeful executioners. 

Such observations would not fit in with what has become known as “the single
narrative”, the Islamist ideology which states that the entire history of
the world since the time of the crusades has been that of continuous
oppression of Muslims by a Zionist-Christian alliance, represented most
recently and heinously by America. Above all, this single narrative becomes
entirely aphasic on such matters as the American actions against the
Orthodox Christian Serbs on behalf of the Muslims of Bosnia and Kosovo. 

The Cambridge historian Brendan Simms, who has made a particular study of
the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, wrote some years ago that “many in
the European establishment have never forgiven the Americans for being right
about Bosnia. Most Muslims, in Britain and worldwide, have forgotten it, if
they ever knew it in the first place. For a long time I saw the inability of
the US to parlay its efforts on behalf of European Muslims into credit ...
as a failure of American public diplomacy. But in the course of my own
modest efforts at public meetings, and the odd appearance on Muslim
channels, I quickly realised that I was hitting a brick wall”. 

I had a similar experience when I spoke at a public meeting near the east
London mosque, organised by the Muslim group Dialogue with Islam. When I
argued that the Nato attack on Serbia in defence of the Muslims of Kosovo
hardly suggested a fundamentalist Christian hatred of Islam on the part of
the British and American governments, I could see that I might as well have
been speaking in Welsh for all the impact it had on that audience of Muslim
men and women. 

They responded warmly, however, to the argument of Sheikh Dawud Noibi, a
leading figure in the Muslim Council of Britain, that the US-led invasion of
Afghanistan was motivated by the need to ensure the construction of an
American oil pipeline there, implying that the Americans had allowed the
attack on the World Trade Center so as to provide a pretext for this
colonialist investment. Noibi, by the way, was appointed an OBE on the
recommendation of the Blair government: presumably this seal of the state’s
approval was just another dastardly trick by the Brits to fool the public
into thinking they were not determined to destroy Islam. 

Still, I didn’t push the issue as far as Simms, who was bold enough to point
out to his Muslim audiences that prominent American Jews such as Richard
Perle and Paul Wolfowitz — two of the most controversial so-called neocons
in Washington under the Republican White House — had been leading
protagonists of military intervention on behalf of Bosnian Muslims: “At this
point they had switched off. Bosnia and Kosovo were simply subsumed into
their broader narrative of Muslim victimhood. My interlocutors were neither
stupid nor insincere. It was just that they were wired in such a way that
precluded them from seeing the US as anything other than the global foe of
Muslims.” 

Today the conflict in Afghanistan is the focus of this ideology. Some like
to mock the Americans for having supplied the Afghan mujaheddin in the
1980s; the arming of those Muslim warriors was the most expensive single
covert operation in the history of the cold war. The Americans may regret it
now, yet the real point is that the giving of billions of dollars to the
mujaheddin proves the falsity of the single narrative: as recently as 20
years ago the notionally Christian West was sublimely indifferent to
Islamism. 

Perhaps that is what should really insult the militant Islamists: they think
we have always been as obsessed with them as they are with us, when in fact
we were scarcely aware of their existence until they started flying planes
at skyscrapers in New York. 

If Karadzic does take to the stand at the Hague we can expect him to boast
that he was fighting the Islamist threat to civilisation while Britain and
America slept. Against the charge of genocide, any defence will do. 

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