Uh-oh! OR Ha-ha?

 


 

Date: Tuesday, December 29, 2009, 9:25 PM

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/bf60a826-f4af-11de-9cba-00144feab49a.html

Broken Bosnia needs western attention

By William Hague and Paddy Ashdown

Published: December 29 2009 20:14 | Last updated: December 29 2009 20:14

The 14th anniversary of the 1995 Dayton Peace Accords passed unnoticed in 
November. The collapse of a US-EU diplomatic initiative in Bosnia-Herzegovina 
last month went virtually unreported too, as has the fact that Bosnia ’s cold 
peace is under serious threat.

Bosnia may seem less significant than it used to be to the US and her allies. 
Pressing challenges in Afghanistan and beyond need great attention. But the 
risk of a failed state taking root in Europe cannot be ignored by Europe or in 
Washington .

Brussels struggles with serious Balkan diplomacy – so many capitals to confer 
with and tactics to co-ordinate, and so little political will to take difficult 
decisions. The EU hopes that its all-carrots, no-sticks approach linked 
entirely to the promise of an eventual EU accession process will change the 
domestic politics of Bosnia and neighbouring Serbia , and produce political 
co-operation. The US backs this approach, despite the fact that Bosnia is 
further from EU membership than any other aspirant country.

Bosnia’s economy has grown with foreign aid, but the state has not grown, and 
today it does not work. The Bosnian Serbs have exploited the autonomy they were 
granted at Dayton , relying on stalling tactics to keep the country divided, 
its government dysfunctional, and their hopes of secession alive, while some 
Bosniak leaders can be equally rigid. Some resistance has been overcome when 
the international high representative overseeing Dayton has insisted on it. But 
even this level of effort has overtaxed the patience and capacity of the EU and 
US. The high representative’s office has been allowed to be demeaned so that 
none of the parties, particularly the Bosnian Serbs, heed its efforts. It is 
now proposed to weaken the role further by recasting the high representative as 
an EU special representative and stripping out real authority – the “ Bonn 
powers”.

With the election season in Bosnia imminent, nationalist rhetoric will 
certainly increase in all parts. Even the Bosnian Croats increasingly talk of 
their own entity and a break with their federation with the Bosniaks.

What happens in Europe’s backyard matters: the consequences of Bosnia ’s 
disintegration would be catastrophic. The breakdown of the country into 
independent ethnic statelets would not only reward ethnic cleansing – surely a 
moral anathema – but would also risk the creation of a failed state in the 
heart of Europe; a fertile breeding ground for terrorism and crime, and a 
monstrous betrayal of all those who survived the concentration camps, mass 
graves and displacement of the 1990s. Bosnia will not solve itself, nor will 
the prospect of EU integration be enough to pull the country back from the 
brink.

Instead we must recognise that all the countries in the region are linked and 
cannot be dealt with in isolation.

We urge the US and EU to each appoint a special envoy to the region, who would 
work in lockstep to deliver a united message and drive forward progress. We 
must impress on Bosnia ’s leaders that the sovereignty of the country is 
unquestionable and its break-up unthinkable. But we must also say to European 
candidate countries Serbia and Montenegro that they are expected to uphold EU 
policy towards Bosnia .

A robust international approach should focus on a single goal: a central 
government in Bosnia effective enough to meet the responsibilities of EU and 
Nato membership. Each Bosnian leader should have to stand for, or against, that 
simple idea – and face consequences for his or her answer.

The international community should be prepared to use sticks as well as 
carrots. There is a strong argument for the threat of targeted sanctions 
against politicians who undermine the Bosnian state.

Talk of timelines for the closure of the Office of the High Representative in 
Bosnia-Herzegovina is premature. The Office should only be closed once 
constitutional reform has been achieved. Meanwhile, the high representative 
must have the solid backing of the EU and US so that all parties know they 
cannot sit out the international presence in the country.

Finally, the EU peacekeeping mission in Bosnia must be retained, and reinforced 
if necessary, to send a strong signal that neither secession nor violence will 
be tolerated.

Today Radovan Karadzic is finally on trial in The Hague on charges of alleged 
genocide and war crimes in Bosnia . As he and others are called to account over 
their part in the horrendous events of the 1990s, it would be a supreme irony 
if their plans for carving up Bosnia-Herzegovina were to be realized simply 
because the international community was too busy to care.


Mr Hague is UK shadow foreign secretary, Lord Ashdown is a former high 
representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina . This article was co-written by 
James O’Brien, a former US presidential envoy for the Balkans, Morton 
Abramowitz, former US ambassador to Turkey and a senior fellow at the Century 
Foundation, and Jim Hooper, a managing director of the Public International Law 
and Policy Group

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