NEWS & POLITICS   

Asia Times <http://www.atimes.com>  / By Jack A Smith 
<http://www.alternet.org/authors/11579/>  

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<http://www.alternet.org/news/146787/look_out%2C_obama_seems_to_be_planning_for_a_lot_more_war/?page=entire#disqus_thread>
  


Look Out, Obama Seems to Be Planning for a Lot More War


The Barack Obama administration's pronouncements and actions in recent months 
point to even greater war-making across the planet. 

May 8, 2010  |   

There's more war in America's future -- a great deal more, judging by the 
Barack Obama administration's reports, pronouncements and actions in recent 
months.

These documents and deeds include the Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR), the 
Nuclear Posture Review (NPR), the Ballistic Missile Defense Report, the nuclear 
security summit in New York and the May 3-28 United Nations nuclear 
Non-Proliferation Treaty review conference, as well as the continuing wars in 
the Middle East and Central Asia, and the 2011 Pentagon war budget request.

The United States government presides as a military colossus of unrivaled 
dimension, but the QDR, which was published in February, suggests Washington 
views America as being constantly under the threat of attack from a multitude 
of fearsome forces bent on its destruction. As such, trillions more dollars 
must be invested in present and future wars -- ostensibly to protect the 
besieged homeland.

The NPR says the long-range U.S. goal is a "nuclear-free" world, but despite 
token reductions in its arsenal of such weapons, the Pentagon is strengthening 
its nuclear force and bolstering it with a devastating "conventional deterrent" 
intended to strike any target in the world within one hour. In addition this 
document, published in April, retains "hair-trigger" nuclear launch readiness, 
refuses to declare its nuclear force is for deterrence only (suggesting 
offensive use) and for the first time authorizes a nuclear attack, if 
necessary, on a non-nuclear state (Iran).

Meanwhile, Obama is vigorously expanding the George W Bush administration's 
wars, and enhancing and deploying America's unparalleled military power.

The Obama administration's one positive achievement in terms of militarism and 
war was the April 9 signing in Prague of the new Strategic Arms Reduction 
Treaty with Russia that reduces deployed strategic nuclear weapons to 1,550 
warheads each. It was a step forward, but all agree it was extremely modest, 
and it does not even faintly diminish the danger of nuclear war.

The QDR is a 128-page Defense Department report mandated by Congress to be 
compiled every four years to put forward a 20-year projection of U.S. military 
planning. A 20-member civilian panel, selected by the Pentagon and congress, 
analyzes the document and suggests changes in order to provide an "independent" 
perspective. Eleven of the members, including the panel’s co-chairmen -- former 
defense secretary William Perry and former national security adviser Stephen 
Hadley -- are employed by the defense industry.

Although the Pentagon is working on preparations for a possible World War III 
and beyond, the new report is largely focused on the relatively near future and 
only generalizes about the longer term. Of the QDR's many priorities three 
stand out.

• The first priority is to "prevail in today's wars" in Afghanistan, Pakistan, 
Iraq, Yemen and wherever else Washington's post-9/11 military intrusions 
penetrate in coming years. Introducing the report February 1, Bush-Obama 
Defense Secretary Robert Gates issued this significant statement: "Success in 
wars to come will depend on success in these wars in progress." The "wars to 
come" were not identified. Further, the QDR states that military victory in 
Iraq and Afghanistan
is "only the first step toward achieving our strategic objectives."

• Second, while in the past the US concentrated on the ability to fight two big 
wars simultaneously, the QDR suggests that's not enough. Now, the Obama 
administration posits the "need for a robust force capable of protecting US 
interests against a multiplicity of threats, including two capable nation-state 
aggressors."

Now it's two-plus wars -- the plus being the obligation to "conduct large-scale 
counter-insurgency, stability and counter-terrorism operations in a wide range 
of environments," mainly in small, poor countries like Afghanistan. Other 
"plus" targets include "non-state actors" such as al-Qaeda, "failed states" 
such as Somali, and medium-size but well-defended states that do not bend the 
knee to Uncle Sam, such as Iran or the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, 
and some day perhaps Venezuela.

• Third, it's fairly obvious from the QDR, though not acknowledged, that the 
Obama government believes China and Russia are the two possible "nation-state 
aggressors" against which Washington must prepare to "defend" itself. Neither 
Beijing nor Moscow has taken any action to justify the Pentagon's assumption 
that they will ever be suicidal enough to attack the far more powerful United 
States.

After all, the U.S., with 4.54 percent of the world's population, invests more 
on war and war preparations than the rest of the world combined. Obama's 2010 
Pentagon budget is US$680 billion, but the real total is double that when all 
Washington's national security expenditures in other departmental budgets are 
also included, such as the cost of nuclear weapons, the 16 intelligence 
agencies, Homeland Security and interest on war debts, among other programs.

Annual war-related expenditures are well over $1 trillion. In calling for a 
discretionary freeze on government programs in January's state of the union 
address, Obama specifically exempted Pentagon/national security expenditures 
from the freeze. Obama is a big war spender. His $708 billion Pentagon 
allotment for fiscal 2011 (not counting a pending $33 billion Congress will 
approve for the Afghan "surge") exceeds Bush's highest budget of $651 billion 
for fiscal 2009.

At present, U.S. military power permeates the entire world. As the QDR notes: 
"The United States is a global power with global responsibilities. Including 
operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, approximately 400,000 US military personnel 
are forward-stationed or rotationally deployed around the world."

The Pentagon presides over 1,000 overseas military bases (including those in 
the war zones), great fleets in every ocean, a globe-spanning air force, 
military satellites in space and nuclear missiles on hair trigger alert 
pre-targeted on "enemy" or potential "enemy" cities and military facilities. A 
reading of the QDR shows none of this will change except for upgrading, 
enlarging (the Pentagon just added six new bases in Colombia) and adding new 
systems such as Prompt Global Strike, an important new offensive weapon system, 
which we shall discuss below.

The phrase "full spectrum military dominance" -- an expression concocted by the 
neo-conservatives in the 1990s that was adopted by the Bush administration to 
define its aggressive military strategy -- was cleverly not included in the 
2010 QDR, but retaining and augmenting dominance remains the Pentagon's prime 
preoccupation.

The QDR is peppered with expressions such as "America’s interests and role in 
the world require armed forces with unmatched capabilities" and calls for "the 
continued dominance of America’s Armed Forces in large-scale force-on-force 
warfare." Gates went further in his February 1 press conference: "The United 
States needs a broad portfolio of military capabilities, with maximum 
versatility across the widest possible spectrum of conflicts." Obama bragged 
recently that he commanded "the finest military in the history of the world."

Evidently, the Pentagon is planning to engage in numerous future wars 
interrupted by brief periods of peace while preparing for the next war. Given 
that the only entity expressing an interest in attacking the United States is 
al-Qaeda -- a non-government paramilitary organization of extreme religious 
fanatics with about a thousand reliable active members around the world -- it 
is obvious that America's unprecedented military might is actually intended for 
another purpose.

In our view that "other purpose" is geopolitical - to strengthen even further 
the Pentagon's military machine to assure that the United States retains its 
position as the dominant global hegemon at a time of acute indebtedness, the 
severe erosion of its manufacturing base, near gridlock in domestic politics, 
and the swift rise to global prominence of several other nations and blocs.

The QDR touches on this with admirable delicacy: "The distribution of global 
political, economic and military power is shifting and becoming more diffuse. 
The rise of China, the world’s most populous country, and India, the world’s 
largest democracy, will continue to reshape the international system. While the 
United States will remain the most powerful actor, it must increasingly 
cooperate with key allies and partners to build and sustain peace and security. 
Whether and how rising powers fully integrate into the global system will be 
among this century’s defining questions, and are thus central to America’s 
interests."

At the moment, the QDR indicates Washington is worried about foreign 
"anti-access" strategies that limit its "power projection capabilities" in 
various parts of the world. What this means is that certain countries such as 
China and Russia are developing sophisticated new weapons that match those of 
the U.S., thus "impeding" the deployment of American forces to wherever the 
Pentagon desires. For instance:

China is developing and fielding large numbers of advanced medium-range 
ballistic and cruise missiles, new attack submarines equipped with advanced 
weapons, increasingly capable long-range air defense systems, electronic 
warfare and computer network attack capabilities, advanced fighter aircraft and 
counter-space systems. China has shared only limited information about the 
pace, scope and ultimate aims of its military modernization programs, raising a 
number of legitimate questions regarding its long-term intentions. 

To counter this trend in China and elsewhere, the Pentagon is planning, at a 
huge and unannounced cost, the following enhancements: "Expand future 
long-range strike capabilities; Exploit advantages in subsurface operations; 
Increase the resiliency of US forward posture and base infrastructure; Assure 
access to space and the use of space assets; Enhance the robustness of key ISR 
(Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance) capabilities; Defeat enemy 
sensors and engagement systems; and Enhance the presence and responsiveness of 
U.S. forces abroad."

In addition, the U.S. not only targets China with nuclear missiles and bombs, 
it is surrounding the country (and Russia as well, of course) with 
anti-ballistic missiles. The purpose is plain: In case the U.S. finds it 
"necessary" to launch ballistic missiles toward China, the ABMs will be able to 
destroy its limited retaliatory capacity.

According to an article in the February 22 issue of China Daily, the country's 
English-language newspaper: "Washington appears determined to surround China 
with US-built anti-missile systems, military scholars have observed ... Air 
force colonel Dai Xu, a renowned military strategist, wrote in an article 
released this month that 'China is in a crescent-shaped ring of encirclement. 
The ring begins in Japan, stretches through nations in the South China Sea to 
India, and ends in Afghanistan'."

Compared to the Bush administration's 2006 QDR, there has been a conscious 
effort to tone down the anti-China rhetoric in the current document. But it is 
entirely clear that China is number one in the QDR's references to "potentially 
hostile nation states."

According to the February 18 Defense News, a publication that serves the 
military-industrial complex, "Analysts say the QDR attempts to address the 
threat posed by China without further enraging Beijing. 'If you look at the 
list of further enhancements to US forces and capabilities ... those are 
primarily capabilities needed for defeating China, not Iran, North Korea or 
Hezbollah,' said Roger Cliff, a China military specialist at Rand. 'So even 
though not a lot of time is spent naming China ... analysis of the China threat 
is nonetheless driving a lot of the modernization programs described in the 
QDR'."

Incidentally, according to the Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation, 
this year's Chinese defense budget, for a country four times larger than the 
United States, is $78 billion, compared to the $664 billion for the Pentagon 
(without all the national security extras harbored in other department 
budgets). China possesses 100-200 nuclear warheads compared to America's 9,326 
(when both deployed and stored weapons are included). China is contemplating 
the construction of an aircraft carrier; the US Navy floats 11 of them. China 
has no military bases abroad.

In our view, China appears to be constructing weapons for defense, not offense 
against the US -- and its foreign policy is based on refusing to be pushed 
around by Washington while doing everything possible to avoid a serious 
confrontation.

Russia as well is treated better in the new QDR than in 2006, but it is 
included with China in most cases. Despite Moscow's huge nuclear deterrent and 
abundant oil and gas supplies, it's only "potential enemy" number two in terms 
of the big powers. Washington feels more threatened by Beijing. This is largely 
because of China's size, rapid development, fairly successful state-guided 
capitalist economy directed by the Communist Party, and the fact that it is on 
the road to becoming the world's economic leader, surpassing the US in 20 to 40 
years.

It seems fairly obvious, but hardly mentioned publicly, that this is an 
extremely dangerous situation. China does not seek to dominate the world, nor 
will it allow itself to be dominated. Beijing supports the concept of a 
multipolar world order, with a number of countries and blocs playing roles. At 
issue, perhaps, is who will be first among equals.

Washington prefers the situation that has existed these 20 years after the 
implosion of the Soviet Union and much of the socialist world left the United 
States as the remaining military superpower and boss of the expanded capitalist 
bloc. During this time Washington has functioned as the unipolar world hegemon 
and doesn't want to relinquish the title.

This is all changing now as other countries rise, led by China, and the U.S. 
appears to be in gradual decline. How the transition to multi-polarity is 
handled over the next couple of decades may determine whether or not a 
disastrous war will be avoided.

Jack A Smith is editor of the Hudson Valley Activist Newsletter in New York 
State and the former editor of the Guardian Newsweekly (US). He may be reached 
at [email protected]

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