With malice aforethought
A US court ruling threatens to overturn the American legal principle 
that truth is an absolute defence against libel

<http://www.guardian.co.uk/profile/dankennedy>Dan Kennedy

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2009/feb/17/us-media-libel

Perhaps Jay Baitler should have thought twice before hitting the 
"send" button. Still, no one could have foreseen the consequences of 
his fateful e-mail: an assault on the long-established American legal 
principle that 
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Defamation#United_States>truth is an 
absolute defence against a libel suit.

Baitler, executive vice-president of the 
<http://finance.yahoo.com/q?s=SPLS>Staples office-supply chain, may 
have wanted to make an example out of Alan Noonan, a sales director 
whom he had just fired for the not-very-original sin of pumping up 
his expenses. But to blast out an e-mail to some 1,500 Staples 
employees announcing Noonan had been let go for violating the 
company's travel and expense policies could be seen as needlessly 
harming Noonan's reputation.

Even so, a three-judge federal appeals court panel 
<http://www.ca1.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/getopn.pl?OPINION=07-2159P2.01A>ruled 
last Friday, the contents of Baitler's e-mail were true. And that is 
precisely the problem. Because the panel also ruled that Noonan may 
pursue his libel suit against his former employer - a stunning 
deviation from the idea that a defamatory statement cannot be found 
libelous unless it is proven false.

The opinion, written by judge Juan Torruella of the Boston-based US 
court of appeals for the first circuit, relies on a 1902 
Massachusetts law. Under that law, a libel plaintiff may win, even on 
the basis of a true statement, if he is able to show that the 
defendant acted with "actual malice".

Because of the US supreme court's landmark 
<http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?court=US&vol=376&invol=254>New
 
York Times v Sullivan decision in 1964, public officials and public 
figures must prove "actual malice" in order to prevail in a libel 
suit. The Times decision also imbued "actual malice" with a precise 
definition: a defamatory statement made with knowing falsity, or with 
"reckless disregard" for the truth. In later decisions, the court 
ruled that even private figures suing for libel - like Noonan, for 
instance - must show that the statement was false and made 
negligently.

But judge Torruella blew past those distinctions, ruling that, in 
1902, "actual malice" meant "ill will" or "malevolent intent", and 
that it was wrongheaded to substitute the 1964 definition. Fair 
enough. It's just that any rational legal observer might have thought 
Torruella would find the 1902 Massachusetts law was unconstitutional 
in light of the last 45 years of libel jurisprudence.

"The ruling is troubling on so many levels that it beggars the 
imagination," <http://www.princelobel.com/attorneys-2.html>Robert 
Bertsche, a prominent Boston media lawyer, told me by e-mail. "Begin 
with the court's ruling that one can be found liable in damages for 
making a statement that is indisputably true - that is a notion that 
flies in the face of everyone's most basic understanding of what 
libel is. With this decision, the first amendment has been replaced 
by the maxim: 'If you don't have anything nice to say, don't say it'."

Robert Ambrogi, a lawyer who is also executive director of the 
Massachusetts Newspaper Publishers Association, is similarly 
horrified. "It is the most dangerous libel decision in decades," 
<http://www.legaline.com/2009/02/think-you-know-libel-law-think-again.html>Ambrogi
 
writes on his blog, adding: "If ill will is all that is needed to 
turn a truthful statement into libel, then everyone is a potential 
defendant."

Though British readers may shrug their shoulders at being told that a 
true statement may be found libelous under some circumstances, it is 
anathema to the American idea of freedom of the press.

As far back as 1735, a German-immigrant printer named John Peter 
Zenger, publisher of the New York Weekly Journal, was 
<http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/Ftrials/zenger/zenger.html>acquitted 
of seditious libel in connection with the Journal's caustic criticism 
of the royal governor, William Cosby. Zenger's lawyer, Andrew 
Hamilton, had argued - in direct contravention of the law at that 
time - that the jury should find for Zenger because what he had 
published was true. Despite (or perhaps because of) Hamilton's 
extra-legal tactics, seditious-libel prosecutions were essentially 
dead in the American colonies, as the scholar Paul Starr observed in 
his 2004 book, 
<http://www.princeton.edu/%7Estarr/CreationoftheMedia/Media.html#Reviews>The 
Creation of the Media.

Indeed, so ingrained in the public consciousness did the Zenger case 
become that even John Adams's hated 
<http://www.earlyamerica.com/earlyamerica/milestones/sedition/>Alien 
and Sedition Acts, aimed at Thomas Jefferson and his allies, at least 
paid lip service to the notion that utterances against the government 
could be prosecuted only if they were "false, scandalous and 
malicious".

Though the supreme court rarely intervened in state libel law, that 
changed starting in 1964, when the court acted to protect the New 
York Times from officials in Birmingham, Alabama, who had sued the 
Times over incidental errors in a 
<http://faculty-web.at.northwestern.edu/commstud/freespeech/cont/cases/nytsullivan.GIF>full-page
 
ad taken out by supporters of Martin Luther King. In Times v Sullivan 
and later decisions, the court made it clear that true statements 
could never be found libelous, even if they harmed the reputations of 
private citizens.

The quotidian nature of Alan Noonan's complaint against Staples may 
seem to have nothing in common with the great issues at stake in the 
Zenger case, in the struggle between Adams and Jefferson, or in the 
civil rights movement.

In fact, if Torruella's dangerous opinion were to lead federal 
judges' finding state laws similar to the 1902 statute in 
Massachusetts, the result could turn back the clock on freedom of 
speech and freedom of the press.

If the truth no longer sets us free, then the first amendment will 
have shrunk beyond recognition. The media will lose, of course. But 
so will the public they ostensibly serve.
--~--~---------~--~----~------------~-------~--~----~
You received this message because you are subscribed to Mark Crispin Miller's 
"News From Underground" newsgroup.

To unsubscribe, send a blank email to 
[email protected] OR go to 
http://groups.google.com/group/newsfromunderground and click on the 
"Unsubscribe or change membership" link in the yellow bar at the top of the 
page, then click the "Unsubscribe" button on the next page. 

For more News From Underground, visit http://markcrispinmiller.com
-~----------~----~----~----~------~----~------~--~---

Reply via email to