<http://arstechnica.com/science/news/2009/02/e-voting-fixes-will-get-us-nowhere-without-statistics.ars>This
 
piece is notable, first, for its revelation that the US legal system 
evidently has no
interest in the problems of e-voting. So notes Arlene Ash, a 
biostatistician at BU's
School of Medicine, who is quoted here. Such indifference is 
appalling, although
no surprise to those of us who've been contending on this front.

The piece below is also notable, however, for its tacit point that 
the solution to the problems
of e-voting     can be solved through--i.e., solved only through--the 
"statistical tools"
that Ash recommends.

There is, of course, another option, which would be not only safer 
but a whole lot cheaper,
and that is to dump all computerized voting systems, which have no 
place in a democracy.

MCM

<http://www.truthout.org/022509VA>E-Voting Security Fixes Will Get Us 
Nowhere Without Stats

        by: John Turner, ARS Technica




Steffanie Holdsbrook, left, and Sue Alvey, right, examine electronic 
voting machines in Farmington, Utah. (Photo: Robert Johnson / The 
Standard Examiner via AP)


http://arstechnica.com/science/news/2009/02/e-voting-fixes-will-get-us-nowhere-without-statistics.ars

or
<http://www.truthout.org/022509VA>

http://www.truthout.org/022509VA


     At the American Association for the Advancement of Science 
meeting, a statistician made a forceful argument that her field can 
help us do a better job of ensuring fair and representative 
elections, but only if we decide to let it.

     The recent American Association for the Advancement of Science 
meeting included a session entitled "Science for Public Confidence in 
Election Fairness and Accuracy" and, as might be expected, computer 
science made a significant appearance. Ed Felten of Princeton, whose 
work in the area we've covered extensively, spoke and emphasized the 
limits of what computer science can do, and how the ultimate goal 
should be to ensure that electronic voting systems are verifiable and 
auditable. Of course, that raises the question of what you do with 
the auditing information, which is where Arlene Ash, a 
biostatistician at Boston University's School of Medicine, came in. 
It turns out that we already have excellent statistical tools for 
detecting problematic patterns of voting - the legal system just 
chooses to ignore them.

     Felten and his fellow Princetonian Andrew Appel have been at the 
forefront of efforts to explore the security of e-voting systems, and 
Felten's talk was largely a recap of past news that we've covered 
extensively. When it comes to the equipment itself, it's 
mathematically impossible to verify that the code they run will 
behave properly under all circumstances, which means that the best we 
can do is provide a verifiable and auditable record of the vote, 
allowing problems to be identified retrospectively. Even that's 
difficult to reconcile with our expectations for anonymity; in 
describing the challenge of creating an algorithm that simultaneously 
encrypts and anonymizes the votes, Felten said, "we've reduced this 
to a previously unsolved problem - we're really good at that in 
computer science."

     Until that problem is solved, many states are opting for optical 
scan voting or printing voter verifiable receipts, which can allow a 
post-election audit to identify significant problems. But running 
these audits raises a whole new series of issues, some of which are 
less a technical challenge than a matter of how carefully we want to 
listen to what an rigorous analysis of a vote tells us.

     Arlene Ash hasn't limited herself to medical statistics; as the 
conference was taking place, she published a statistical analysis of 
voting in a specific Congressional district, Florida's 13th, which 
encompasses Sarasota and several interior counties (a PDF of the 
paper has been posted). In a 2006 Congressional race in which 
approximately 240,000 votes were cast and the margin of victory was 
only 369, e-voting machines in Sarasota recorded a staggering number 
of undervotes - the machines failed to register about 18,000 votes in 
that race, a rate of 15 percent. Typical undervote is in the range of 
two to three percent.

     A quick look at the ballot screens that appeared on these 
machines indicates an obvious cause: the Congressional race was 
presented on the second page in a manner that suggested it might be a 
continuation of the list of candidates in the Senate race taking 
place at the same time. Ash described how various statistical tests 
suggest that the losing candidate wound up being cost somewhere 
around 3,000 votes by the problem, easily enough to wipe out their 
opponent's narrow lead. She also said, however, that the judiciary 
had refused to intervene, and allowed the election result to stand.

     This, from Ash's perspective, represents the crux of the problem. 
We have sophisticated statistical tools that we rely on for 
everything from medical research to verifying the flow of money 
through Las Vegas casinos but we simply haven't chosen to mandate 
that they be used to verify election results. Even in cases like the 
elections in Sarasota, where they were deployed, the results were 
deemed legally irrelevant unless they provide an indication that 
election results were distorted by malice or intent. Sloppiness or 
incompetence, apparently, is acceptable, despite our country's 
promise to respect the intent of the voters.

     There are cases where post-election audits are rigorous - the 
American Statistical Association's collection of election-related 
materials calls New Jersey's law "the most 'statistical' audit 
procedure enacted by any state." But, of course, this is the same New 
Jersey that has failed to act on a court order that would ensure that 
its voting machines actually print something that would allow an 
audit.

     The clear take-home message of this session was that optimizing 
the computer science aspects of building a better voting machine is a 
really hard challenge, and it won't ever eliminate the sorts of UI 
design issues that regularly cause election results to reflect 
something besides the will of the voters. We do have tools available 
to us that can help us recognize when there is a disconnect between 
voters' intent and results, but we haven't taken them seriously; we 
don't ensure their use, and we don't legally demand that their 
results be considered. Until we see that change, it appears that our 
commitment to accurate elections is superficial.
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