Freeman Affair Puts Israel Lobby in Spotlight

March 13, 2009 by <http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=46103>Inter Press Service

by Daniel Luban and Jim Lobe

<http://www.commondreams.org/headline/2009/03/13-8>http://www.commondreams.org/headline/2009/03/13-8

WASHINGTON - Although the successful campaign to keep Amb. Charles 
"Chas" Freeman out of a top intelligence post marked a surface 
victory for the pro-Israel hardliners who opposed him, the long-term 
political implications of the Freeman affair appear far more 
ambiguous.

Director of National Intelligence Dennis Blair had said he was 
standing by the appointment of Charles Freeman to chair the National 
Intelligence Council. (AP PHOTO)

Freeman's withdrawal has provoked growing - if belated - media 
scrutiny of the operations of the so-called "Israel Lobby", and 
aroused protests from a number of prominent mainstream political 
commentators who allege that he was the target of a dishonest and 
underhanded smear campaign that, among other things, accused him of 
shilling for the governments of Saudi Arabia and China.

For the neo-conservatives who led the charge against Freeman's 
appointment, his withdrawal may therefore prove to be both a tactical 
victory and a strategic defeat.

At the same time, the Freeman affair has highlighted the yawning 
disconnect between the career professionals in the intelligence and 
diplomatic communities, from whom Freeman enjoyed strong support, and 
political leaders in Congress and the White House, none of whom came 
to his defense publicly.

Freeman, a former ambassador to Saudi Arabia who has been a vocal 
critic of Israeli policies in the occupied territories, withdrew from 
consideration as chairman of the National Intelligence Council (NIC) 
on Tuesday. He did not go quietly into the night, however, releasing 
a statement in which he struck back at his critics.

"I do not believe the National Intelligence Council could function 
effectively while its chair was under constant attack by unscrupulous 
people with a passionate attachment to the views of a political 
faction in a foreign country," Freeman wrote.

"There is a special irony in having been accused of improper regard 
for the opinions of foreign governments and societies by a group so 
clearly intent on enforcing adherence to the policies of a foreign 
government - in this case, the government of Israel."

The motives for the anti-Freeman campaign are themselves a matter of 
debate. Virtually all of his chief attackers were neo-conservatives, 
whose views generally reflect those of the Israel's right-wing Likud 
Party, and other reflexive defenders of Israeli government policies. 
Many observers viewed it as self-evident that their hostility to him 
was based on his often bluntly-spoken belief that U.S. and Israel's 
interests in the Middle East were not necessarily convergent.

In the media, the campaign against Freeman was waged mainly by 
neo-conservative organs, such as the Weekly Standard and the National 
Review, and by The New Republic, a generally liberal weekly that, 
however, routinely attacks Israel's critics.

In Congress, it was led by politicians such as Sen. Chuck Schumer, 
Sen. Joseph Lieberman, and Rep. Mark Kirk, all of whom have strong 
ties to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), a 
powerful lobby group whose members range from far-right supporters of 
the militant settlement movement in Israel to more moderate factions 
sympathetic to the relatively centrist Kadima and Labor Parties.

Freeman's critics sought to portray their attacks on him as rooted 
not in his criticisms of Israel but in his allegedly compromising 
ties to Saudi Arabia and China, including his leadership of a think 
tank that was partially funded by a member of the Saudi royal family 
and his service on an advisory board of China's largest oil company.

In the mainstream media, however, few seemed to buy into these 
claims. The most widely read U.S. newspapers, which had all but 
ignored the controversy as it raged in the "blogosphere", attributed 
his withdrawal to the unacceptability of his views on Israel policy - 
in the process going further than ever before in putting the Israel 
lobby in the national spotlight.

The New York Times headlined its story "Israel Stance Was Undoing of 
Nominee for Intelligence Post", while the Washington Post confirmed 
that AIPAC, which had insisted it had no position on Freeman's 
appointment, had indeed quietly provided critical material about him 
to inquiring reporters.

A Los Angeles Times editorial explicitly referenced "the Israel 
lobby" as the force behind Freeman's withdrawal, adding, "We do not 
believe that Israel should be immune from criticism or that there is 
room for only one point of view in our government."

And while the Post's editorial page, like the neo-conservative Wall 
Street Journal, had hosted anti-Freeman op-eds early in the campaign 
against him, its veteran political columnist, David Broder - long 
viewed as the embodiment of Washington centrism - praised the former 
ambassador as "an able public servant" and wrote that "[t]he Obama 
administration has just suffered an embarrassing defeat at the hands 
of the lobbyists the president vowed to keep in their place."

Broder was not the only prominent centrist to react harshly to the 
anti-Freeman campaign. Others included the Broder's fellow Post 
columnist, David Ignatius, The Atlantic's Andrew Sullivan (who called 
the campaign "repulsive"), Time's Joe Klein ("assassination"), and 
Foreign Policy's David Rothkopf ("lynching-by-blog"). Freeman has 
also been invited as the guest of Fareed Zakaria, a regular columnist 
for Newsweek and the Post, on his regular Sunday CNN program on 
foreign policy, "GPS."

In the end, the attempts by Freeman's critics to make the story about 
anything but Israel may have backfired. Instead, discussion of the 
role of the Israel lobby in forming U.S. foreign policy appears to 
have acquired more mainstream legitimacy than ever before.

The long-taboo subject became a matter of public debate in 2006, when 
two prominent political scientists, the University of Chicago's John 
Mearsheimer and Harvard University's Stephen Walt, published their 
article "The Israel Lobby", later expanded into a book. The two 
argued that a powerful lobby, centered on but not limited to AIPAC, 
exerts a "stranglehold" on U.S. foreign policy debates and stifles 
any criticism of Israeli policies, to the detriment of both the U.S. 
and Israel.

Mearsheimer and Walt's thesis was instantly controversial. Critics 
accused them of perpetuating age-old anti-Semitic tropes about the 
covert Jewish domination of politics. Mainstream critics of Israel 
have been reluctant to align themselves with the two, even when they 
have reached some of the same conclusions.

In the wake of the Freeman affair, however, Mearsheimer and Walt 
appear to be getting a new hearing. The Los Angeles Times went so far 
as to suggest that the attacks on them may have been overstated.

"[T]he battle over Freeman...seems to have exposed more sympathy for 
a Walt/Mearsheimer view of U.S.-Israel relations than one might have 
expected to be out there," wrote Michael Goldfarb of the Weekly 
Standard, one of Freeman's harshest critics. "People like Joe Klein 
and Andrew Sullivan are now fairly indistinguishable from Stephen 
Walt."

Goldfarb intended the comment as an insult, but it may nonetheless 
have contained a kernel of truth.

While the Freeman affair may have shifted the parameters of debate on 
Israel policy, it has also exposed fissures and resentments between 
the national security bureaucracy and the U.S. political leadership.

Some veteran observers, such as the "Nelson Report", an influential 
private newsletter, compared Freeman's treatment to the McCarthy era 
when long-time government Asia experts were deemed responsible for 
"losing China" to the Communists and hounded out of the foreign 
service by the so-called "China Lobby".

Col. Pat Lang, the former top Middle East analyst at the Defense 
Intelligence Agency who signed a letter of support for Freeman, told 
IPS that the saga had caused a "tentative feeling of disappointment" 
about the new administration within the intelligence community.

"It's very disheartening for people who viewed Freeman's appointment 
as the return to some standard of intellectual excellence or 
integrity", he said, adding that Director of National Intelligence 
(DNI) Adm. Dennis Blair, who went to the Senate and strongly defended 
his appointee, may be the next target for Freeman's antagonists as 
they push for alarmist intelligence on Iran.

"I'm concerned about what these characters are going to do about 
Blair, because Blair really stood up to them, and their general 
reaction to that is to wage a war of annihilation against people who 
do that," Lang said.

Jim Lobe's blog on U.S. foreign policy can be read at 
<http://www.ips.org/blog/jimlobe/>http://www.ips.org/blog/jimlobe/.


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