The Iranian People Speak
By Ken Ballen and Patrick Doherty
Monday, June 15, 2009

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/06/14/AR2009061401757.html

The election results in Iran may reflect the will 
of the Iranian people. Many experts are claiming 
that the margin of victory of incumbent President 
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was the result of fraud or 
manipulation, but our nationwide public opinion 
survey of Iranians three weeks before the vote 
showed Ahmadinejad leading by a more than 2 to 1 
margin -- greater than his actual apparent margin 
of victory in Friday's election.

While Western news reports from Tehran in the 
days leading up to the voting portrayed an 
Iranian public enthusiastic about Ahmadinejad's 
principal opponent, Mir Hossein Mousavi, our 
scientific sampling from across all 30 of Iran's 
provinces showed Ahmadinejad well ahead.

Independent and uncensored nationwide surveys of 
Iran are rare. Typically, preelection polls there 
are either conducted or monitored by the 
government and are notoriously untrustworthy. By 
contrast, the poll undertaken by our nonprofit 
organizations from May 11 to May 20 was the third 
in a series over the past two years. Conducted by 
telephone from a neighboring country, field work 
was carried out in Farsi by a polling company 
whose work in the region for ABC News and the BBC 
has received an Emmy award. Our polling was 
funded by the Rockefeller Brothers Fund.

The breadth of Ahmadinejad's support was apparent 
in our preelection survey. During the campaign, 
for instance, Mousavi emphasized his identity as 
an Azeri, the second-largest ethnic group in Iran 
after Persians, to woo Azeri voters. Our survey 
indicated, though, that Azeris favored 
Ahmadinejad by 2 to 1 over Mousavi.

Much commentary has portrayed Iranian youth and 
the Internet as harbingers of change in this 
election. But our poll found that only a third of 
Iranians even have access to the Internet, while 
18-to-24-year-olds comprised the strongest voting 
bloc for Ahmadinejad of all age groups.

The only demographic groups in which our survey 
found Mousavi leading or competitive with 
Ahmadinejad were university students and 
graduates, and the highest-income Iranians. When 
our poll was taken, almost a third of Iranians 
were also still undecided. Yet the baseline 
distributions we found then mirror the results 
reported by the Iranian authorities, indicating 
the possibility that the vote is not the product 
of widespread fraud.

Some might argue that the professed support for 
Ahmadinejad we found simply reflected fearful 
respondents' reluctance to provide honest answers 
to pollsters. Yet the integrity of our results is 
confirmed by the politically risky responses 
Iranians were willing to give to a host of 
questions. For instance, nearly four in five 
Iranians -- including most Ahmadinejad supporters 
-- said they wanted to change the political 
system to give them the right to elect Iran's 
supreme leader, who is not currently subject to 
popular vote. Similarly, Iranians chose free 
elections and a free press as their most 
important priorities for their government, 
virtually tied with improving the national 
economy. These were hardly "politically correct" 
responses to voice publicly in a largely 
authoritarian society.

Indeed, and consistently among all three of our 
surveys over the past two years, more than 70 
percent of Iranians also expressed support for 
providing full access to weapons inspectors and a 
guarantee that Iran will not develop or possess 
nuclear weapons, in return for outside aid and 
investment. And 77 percent of Iranians favored 
normal relations and trade with the United 
States, another result consistent with our 
previous findings.

Iranians view their support for a more democratic 
system, with normal relations with the United 
States, as consonant with their support for 
Ahmadinejad. They do not want him to continue his 
hard-line policies. Rather, Iranians apparently 
see Ahmadinejad as their toughest negotiator, the 
person best positioned to bring home a favorable 
deal -- rather like a Persian Nixon going to 
China.

Allegations of fraud and electoral manipulation 
will serve to further isolate Iran and are likely 
to increase its belligerence and intransigence 
against the outside world. Before other 
countries, including the United States, jump to 
the conclusion that the Iranian presidential 
elections were fraudulent, with the grave 
consequences such charges could bring, they 
should consider all independent information. The 
fact may simply be that the reelection of 
President Ahmadinejad is what the Iranian people 
wanted.

Ken Ballen is president of Terror Free Tomorrow: 
The Center for Public Opinion, a nonprofit 
institute that researches attitudes toward 
extremism. Patrick Doherty is deputy director of 
the American Strategy Program at the New America 
Foundation. The groups' May 11-20 polling 
consisted of 1,001 interviews across Iran and had 
a 3.1 percentage point margin of error.
For more on polling in Iran, read Jon Cohen's Behind the Numbers.
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