Voter Rights: Is Robert Popper the Fox Guarding the Henhouse?
Adam Lambert (clammyc) & ePluribus Media Staff Writers
21 May 2007

http://www.epluribusmedia.org/features/2007/20070519_robert_popper.html

ePluribus Media has interviewed sources who once worked in the 
Department of Justice and they suggest that Robert Popper, Special 
Litigation Counsel for the Voting Section, may have been instrumental 
in the disintegration of voter rights in minority districts.

Popper joined the Voting Section of the Justice Department at the 
beginning of 2006 during the wave of new hires that replaced 
attorneys who were allegedly forced out because they were not "loyal 
partisans" and replaced by members of organizations such as the 
Republican National Lawyers Association and Federalist Society. As 
Special Litigation Counsel, Popper's charter is to be one of the 
chief "enforcers" of the Voting Rights Act. Ironically, Popper has 
been involved in at least a half-dozen cases which purportedly tried 
to accomplish exactly the opposite of guaranteeing the rights of 
those he has been charged with protecting.

Background

Popper graduated from Northwestern University Law School and was 
admitted to the NY Bar in 1990.  He became a lobbyist for the 
National Tax Limitation Committee1, and was also involved in a number 
of initiatives that were geared towards limiting the rights of 
voters.  These initiatives and acts included developing standards for 
redistricting and challenging the legality of districts that happened 
to generally be largely minority.

Popper and Gerrymandering

The term "gerrymandering" refers to redistricting in a manner that 
would unfairly skew the district in favor of one political party over 
another.  In fact, Popper, along with Daniel Polsby, Professor of Law 
at George Mason University School of Law, developed the 
"Polsby-Popper Compactness Test," which is a mechanism for measuring 
districts based on the relative geographic dispersion of a district. 
 This measure has been used in a number of districts in order to 
redraw district lines, and is featured on the Arizona's Independent 
Redistricting Campaign's website, as well as having been cited in a 
number of Supreme Court rulings.

Popper and Polsby also authored a law review article titled "Ugly: 
 An Inquiry into the Problem of Racial Gerrymandering Under the 
Voting Rights Act," which asserted that "ugly" (meaning misshapen) 
districts were not accurately representing the voting demographics of 
a particular district. Popper and Polsby advanced the thesis that the 
creation of "compact" districts that did not take into account the 
racial composition of a district was superior to the creation of 
majority-minority districts that gave minorities representation in 
rough proportion to their percentage of the population. While the 
Polsby-Popper reports contend that compactness will restrain 
gerrymandering and other proponents indicate that compactness will 
"reverse prior Democratic gerrymandering," there are many opinions to 
the contrary.

One, Harvard University study's simulations (by Micah Altman, who is 
Associate Director of the Harvard-MIT Data Center), indicated that 
"district compactness can systematically influence election results."

For example, Altman cites a number of critics in his studies, 
including the following:

Compactness measurements are not sufficiently restrictive to prevent 
electoral manipulation in most cases -- "(compactness) provides 
benefits more illusory than real" (Musgrove 1977, 56)

Compactness standards put severe limits on some types of 
gerrymandering, but may also be used to "pack" districts to the 
disadvantage of an opponent. (Hacker 1964)

Deviations from compactness cannot be used to discover gerrymandering 
which is used to (dis)advantage a group, but may be useful as a 
signal of incumbent gerrymandering. (Grofman 1985)

Ill-compactness is a warning signal that requires justification, but 
"compactness alone does not make a redistricting plan good." (Niemi 
et al., 1991, 1177)

Compactness measurements are only useful if used to force an 
explanation for odd shaped districts. If they are used as rigid 
requirements, they will cause a harmful shift of attention from 
politics to mere geography. (Dixon 1968)

Compactness measures do not capture manipulation consistently, and 
they will produce more subtle and invidious gerrymandering: "This 
reliance on formulas has the semblence, but not the substance, of 
justice." (Young 1987, 113)

Compactness is of little intrinsic value and conflicts with good 
government criteria such as minority vote protection, district 
competitiveness, fair "swing ratios," respect for political and 
geographic subdivisions, respect for communities of interest, and 
other factors of intrinsic value. (Aleinikoff and Isacharoff 1993; 
Cain 1984; Lijphart 1989; Mayhew 1971)

Compactness standards are only weak proxies for that which is really 
important -- civic inclusion (Karlan 1989)

Compactness standards are inherently biased against urban dwellers, 
and will systematically hurt Democrats and minorities: "By and large, 
however, the introduction of a compactness rule significantly tilts 
the game in favor of the Republicans." (Lowenstein 1985, 25)

These critics contend that the very metric that Popper advocates as 
necessary to "undo" gerrymandering has itself been questioned as to 
its effectiveness and fairness.

Popper's Legal Career Prior to the Justice Department

A 1996 case in New York City requested that New York's 12th 
Congressional District, which was largely Hispanic, be declared 
unconstitutional.  Robert Popper was one of the lawyers who argued 
that the district was unconstitutional. Also, Popper later argued __ 
and lost __ Chen v. City of Houston, which attempted to overturn 
Houston's city council districting plan as an unconstitutional racial 
gerrymander.  Oddly, the plan Popper argued to overturn was one that 
the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals noted had been specifically drawn 
to comply with the Voting Rights Act and which created majority-black 
and Hispanic districts in rough proportion to the percentages of 
those groups in Houston's overall population.

Supreme Court cases generally indicated that race may not be "the 
predominant factor" in a legislative body's redistricting decision. 
Of course, this litmus test cuts both ways - if race shouldn't be a 
factor (which is a valid argument), then should redistricting 
decisions be based predominantly on factors where the district would 
be unfairly skewed against a particular race? A fair standard should 
be used to determine how a district is drawn, but the "compactness" 
measure has received enough criticism that its validity is 
questionable.

The Center for Equal Opportunity, known for its anti-affirmative 
action work, includes Popper as one of the attorneys who has 
"successully represented individuals and organizations in challenging 
race-based voting districts. It should be pointed out that its 
president, Roger Clegg, testified against the renewal of the Voting 
Rights Act last year and included an allegation that parts of the 
Voting Rights Act of 1965 are unconstitutional.

Curious Cases While at the Justice Department

Once employed by the U.S. Department of Justice, Voting Section, 
Popper's involvement in certain cases is noteworthy.

Alabama:  For example, he argued a case in Alabama in the summer of 
2006 that resulted in the Democratic Secretary of State being 
replaced by the Republican Governor (who happened to be seeking 
reelection and has no experience with election issues).   A 
Bush-appointed Federal District Judge named the Governor to be the 
chief implementer of the statewide voter registration database 
Alabama was required to create under the Help America Vote Act 
("HAVA"). The replacement did not go unnoticed:

On Thursday [August 3, 2006], the New York Times ran an editorial 
[entitled "Strong-Arming the Vote"] calling the hearing "a one-sided 
proceeding that felt a lot like a kangaroo court" and said the 
"Justice Department is giving the impression that it is less 
concerned that elections be lawful and fair than that they come out a 
particular way."

And gubernatorial candidate Lucy Baxley said in a press release that 
"assigning duties to the Governor, who is seeking re-election, comes 
across as a power-grab which further adds to the image he is gaining 
by flaunting his big money ties."

Missouri: While Bradley Schlozman may have been the impetus behind 
the Voting Section's failed Missouri lawsuit, an attempt to combat 
nearly nonexistent "voter fraud" by making states purge their voter 
rolls more aggressively, Popper was the special litigation counsel in 
charge of the litigation for the Voting Rights Section. He, not 
attorneys or staff from the U.S. Attorney's office, represented the 
government in oral arguments on motions in the case.  Former Voting 
Section employees who spoke to ePluribus Media only on the condition 
of anonymity confirm that the case was, in their words, "Popper's 
baby."   The case was without merit, and  U.S. District Judge Nanette 
Laughrey ruled that the Justice Department "has not shown that any 
Missouri resident was denied his or her right to vote as a result of 
deficiencies alleged by the United States [,] nor has the United 
States shown that any voter fraud has occurred."

New Jersey:  Popper was also involved with a case in New Jersey that 
dealt with "maintaining proper voter registration databases" but was 
focused on the elimination of names from the voter registration list 
(one example would be for people who changed residence).

Pennsylvania:  Robert Popper was also instrumental in the filing of 
an Amended Complaint against the City of Philadelphia. This suit was 
originally filed as a minority language voter protection suit under 
Section 203 of the Voting Rights Act, but the original complaint 
wouldn't float. On April 26th, 2007, Popper amended the complaint to 
include HAVA and NVRA violations, including allegations that 
Philadelphia, which is heavily Democratic and has the largest 
population of minorities in the state, was not aggressive enough in 
purging voters from its rolls.

Maine and Indiana: Other cases in 2006 that Popper was involved with 
included one in Maine that was seeking action with respect to 
electronic voting machines and "failure to conduct a program to 
identify and remove ineligible voters from the official registration 
lists," as well as Indiana on similar issues. Ironically, the Indiana 
case sought to challenge the failure to remove ineligible voters from 
the registration list  based on its high registration totals as 
compared to other states.

While it is certainly within the right of the Voting Rights Section 
(and the Attorney General) to ensure that HAVA's rules are properly 
enforced and that ineligible voters do not remain on voter 
registration rolls, a few points merit underscoring:

In 2004 and 2006, there was a widely reported substantial increase in 
voter registrations for the Democratic party;
There were numerous reports asserting the destruction of Democratic 
party voter registrations in numerous states;

These cases brought by the Attorney General (and also involving 
Popper) were serving to limit the number of people that would be 
eligible to vote;

Aggressive voter purges disproportionately target low-income and 
minority voters, who happen to be the Democratic Party's most 
dependable; and

The Voting Rights Section is supposed to be protecting low-income and 
minority voters, not forcing states to more aggressively purge them 
from the voter rolls and thus make them ineligible to vote.

A review of Robert Popper's career shows that his emphasis has been 
on aggressive purging of voter rolls __ based on spurious allegations 
of voter fraud and dismantling the majority-minority districts that 
the Voting Section has historically been charged with creating.

As McClatchy's Greg Gordon states:  "On virtually every significant 
decision affecting election balloting since 2001, the division's 
Voting Rights Section has come down on the side of Republicans, 
notably in Florida, Michigan, Missouri, Ohio, Washington and other 
states where recent elections have been decided by narrow margins." 

Footnotes
1Washington Post "Library of Congress curtailing hours", March 3, 1986.


About the Authors: Adam Lambert is a tax consultant living and 
working in the New York City area. Blogging under the name "clammyc", 
he has researched and written extensively on issues involving Iraq, 
the Bush administration and the "war on terror".

ePluribus Media staff writers: Publius Revolts, Cho, Aaron Barlow, 
Standingup, and Roxy contributed to this story

ePluribus Media Researchers, Contributors & Fact Checkers: AvaHome, 
GreyHawk, wanderindiana
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